Once held up as a 'poster child' for untrammeled capitalist globalisation, the Irish Republic has more recently come to represent a cautionary tale for those tempted to tread the same neoliberal path. The crash in the world economy had especially grave repercussions for Ireland, and a series of austerity measures has seen the country endure the most substantial 'adjustment' ever experienced in a developed society during peacetime. This book delineates the reactionary course that Ireland has followed since the ignominious demise of the Celtic Tiger. It argues that the forces of neoliberalism have employed the economic crisis they caused to advance policies that are in their own narrow interests, and that the host of regressive measures imposed since the onset of global recession has fundamentally restructured Irish society. The book discusses the mechanisms by which finance in Ireland sustains and reproduces itself, in particular how it was able to protect itself during the 2008 crisis. Property was at the centre of the second phase of the Celtic Tiger boom after US investment in manufacturing began to decline, leading to the Irish economic crash. The years since the onset of the recession in Ireland in 2008 have been characterised not by passivity and quietism but by extreme violence. In December 2009 as part of the first wave of austerity, the Community Development Project was informed that the Department of Community, Rural and Gaeltacht Affairs proposed not to continue funding the project beyond the end of 2009.
Portugal was seriously affected by the financial, economic and sovereign debt crisis. The crisis pushed the debate on European integration, notably on the European Monetary Union, into the public space. The bailout of the Portuguese state by the European institutions and the IMF in 2011 made austeritymeasures unavoidable and showed the other face of European integration – keywords in the public discourse switched from ‘modernisation’ and ‘funding’ to ‘austerity’ and ‘poverty’.
left. As a result, a country that was among the most heavily hit in the world by the 2008 economic crisis did not see a social democratic (or socialist) resurrection on the political scene or emergence of intellectual alternatives to the ruling neoliberal economic ideology.
This chapter provides a short explanation of the fall of the Latvian left from historical prominence to modern infamy, followed by an analysis of the surprising lack of resurrection of the left in spite of harsh austeritymeasures imposed in the country, and the impact of the
Social commentary of 1980s Britain in Clive Barker’s Weaveworld
Edward Timothy Wallington
evocative reflection on the times in which it was written. These
were the 1980s, and the decade was marked by a number of dramatic
and unprecedented events: Margaret Thatcher was at the helm of the
British government with her monetarist fiscal policies, austeritymeasures, and the call for a return to core values; sexual equality
had gained considerable ground from the tentative gains made in the
bank bail-out, provoking once again
uproar and mass protests in the streets.
It is social democracy’s bipartisan support for neo-liberalism in the wake of
the crash that has opened up opportunities for other political combatants: Ryner
points to successes for Trotskyites in France and for the Left Party in Germany,
but also to gains for the far right. Ross in his chapter also points to the spawning
of revolts on the left and reaction on the right to the austeritymeasures that were
enacted in response to the economic meltdown and in which social democrats
The Republic of Ireland was one of the countries worst hit by the global financial crisis and the ensuing Eurozone crisis. It was the first EU country to go into recession and the first to require a bailout, it was effectively under the control of the troika and endured austeritymeasures for several years. Even though the country officially emerged from bailout conditions at the end of 2013, and recorded the highest rate of growth among EU member states in subsequent years, the social costs still weighed
Chapter six focuses on the Fianna Fáil led government’s attempts to fix the economy and stave off political collapse. The property crash and the failure of the banking system brought with a savage economic crisis. Most of the government’s plans were based around implementing austerity measures to ease Ireland’s colossal debt crisis which magnified significantly once the private debt of the banks became the public debt of the state. They all failed. The economic mayhem in Ireland caused by the greed and recklessness of bankers and property developers alike ended up decimating but not killing off Fianna Fáil. The shambolic nature in which the Fianna Fáil Green coalition collapsed is discussed in this chapter as is the election result itself which saw the Irish people revert back to the traditional and comfortable alternative of Fine Gael and Labour.
Spain is a periphery Eurozone country and its labour movement is one which is
unevenly developed. After the launch of EMU, Spanish unit labour costs
(ULCs) escalated; this led to a loss of competitiveness within EMU
(Johnston, 2016). Owing to the existence of inter-sectoral agreements in
which unions attempt to establish competitiveness, the case of Spain raises
the question of the extent to which efforts to achieve moderation are
feasible in a periphery country. The failure of this strategy not only
points to further constraints on the ability of actors to plan
competitiveness, but also demonstrates the importance of structural
influences; in this case, inefficiencies associated with lower-level
bargaining institutions were crucial. Following the outbreak of crisis, the
question was raised of the ability of periphery labour movements to marshal
pan-European opposition. Though Spanish unions were at the vanguard of
attempts to organize European protests and general strikes were held in
Spain on European days of action, the mobilization capacity of unions was
constrained by their under-Europeanized profile. The earlier implementation
of austerity measures by a Socialist Government also restricted the extent
of social-democratic opposition, both domestically and at
Newspapers, magazines and pamphlets have always been central, almost sacred, forms of communication within Irish republican political culture. While social media is becoming the primary ideological battleground in many democracies, Irish republicanism steadfastly expresses itself in the traditional forms of activist journalism. Shinners, Dissos and Dissenters is a long-term analysis of the development of Irish republican activist media since 1998 and the tumultuous years following the end of the Troubles. It is the first in-depth analysis of the newspapers, magazines and online spaces in which the differing strands of Irish republicanism developed and were articulated during a period where schism and dissent defined a return to violence. Based on an analysis of Irish republican media outlets as well as interviews with the key activists that produced them, this book provides a compelling long-term snapshot of a political ideology in transition. It reveals how Irish Republicanism was moulded by the twin forces of the Northern Ireland Peace Process and the violent internal ideological schism that threatened a return to the ‘bad old days’ of the Troubles. This book is vital for those studying Irish politics and those interestedin activism as it provides new insights into the role that modern activist media forms have played in the ideological development of a 200-year-old political tradition.
won a landslide triumph under George Papandreou
(Ministry Interior, 2009 ). But the government's decision to sign a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU)
with the EC-ECB-IMF troika in 2010 initiated huge socio-economic-political turmoil. The MoU was meant to tackle the grave financial issues that were affecting the country and consisted of a series of draconian austeritymeasures, such as a significant reduction of public sector pensions and salaries, an additional