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Marguerite Duras embarked on a second career as a film director in the late 1960s; by then was already a well-known and highly acclaimed novelist and playwright. Bearing in mind this dual influence, this book presents an outline of Duras's early life and of her later political preoccupations, highlighting the relationship between these two dimensions and her films. Duras's aim was to transcend the limitations of both literature and cinema by creating an écriture filmique. Working within the 1970s French avant-garde, Marguerite Duras set out to dismantle the mechanisms of mainstream cinema, progressively undermining conventional representation and narrative and replacing them with her own innovative technique. The making of Nathalie Granger in 1972 coincided with the period of intense political activity and lively theoretical debates, which marked the early years of the post-1968 French feminist movement. India Song questions the categories of gender and sexuality constructed by the patriarchal Symbolic order by foregrounding the Imaginary. Agatha mirrors transgressive relationship and quasi-incestuous adolescent relationship, as the film resonates with the off-screen voices of Duras and Yann Andréa who also appears on the image-track where he represents Agatha's anonymous brother. Her work, both in literature and in film, distinguishes itself by its oblique, elusive quality which evokes her protagonists' inner landscape instead of dwelling on the appearances of the external world.

anti-PCF stance was closely allied to her commitment to fight all forms of injustice and oppression, including French colonialism in Algeria, the authoritarian structures of Gaullist France and, in the 1970s, the oppression of women. In 1955, a year after the outbreak of the Algerian War of Independence, Duras and her associates founded the Comité des intellectuels contre la poursuite de la Guerre d’Algérie, a group of left

in Marguerite Duras
Surveillance, reason and desire in the plays of Howard Barker

another Fence. More to the point, Algeria’s resistance is not a matter of transcendence. She is and remains a creature of the body. Like Caroline, the site of resistance to authoritarian structures (even her own authoritarian structures) is the body and the mode of resistance is desire.This had been demonstrated in the very first moments of the play, in the stage directions which describe the startling and taboo-breaking tableau with which it begins: 91 R&G 08_Tonra 01 11/10/2013 16:16 Page 92 92 Howard Barker’s Art of Theatre Algeria’s nocturnal copulation with

in Howard Barker’s Art of Theatre
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experience for those who entered the communist world. The Party endeavoured to go about its business here in a manner that was comprehensive and systematic, as well as authoritarian in a manner that was quite unlike anything that had gone before in regard to the earlier organisations of the Left. At this point it should be mentioned that I have tried to make a distinction during the writing of this book between the Party, with its inherently authoritarian structures and practices, and individual communists. The reader will see that whereas I have been justifiably critical

in Communism in Britain 1920–39
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process (Dixon 2002 ). The Good Friday Agreement exposed the authoritarian structures of governance in Northern Ireland as unviable for peace and stability and represented an admission that political co-operation and partnership, once anathema, was now necessary if Northern Ireland were to move on from violent conflict. The certainties of the dominant model forged in conflict were predicated on

in Inside Accounts, Volume II
Ideology and disunity

discourse has also rejected what it views as ‘authoritarian structures’ in RSF. The 1916 Societies have shared éirígí’s rejection of the authoritarian structures of Sinn Féin and RSF; subsequently the dominant organising principle of the societies was a decentralised structure. Ciaran Mulholland of the James Connolly Society in West Belfast has described the organisation as: Very much the opposite of the Sinn Féin movement where a lot of people came from. You don’t have this hierarchical movement. 51 Given that a significant

in Unfinished business
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come to be the representatives of the Catholic population’ 8 and has stated that this is anathema to the republican philosophy of uniting ‘Protestant, Catholic and Dissenter’ as stated by Wolfe Tone, the founding father of Irish republicanism. It has emerged that many republicans remained within the wider Provisional Movement out of a sense of loyalty and camaraderie that is present throughout social movements. In the Provisional Movement, individuals were operating within a highly authoritarian structure where there was an expectation to toe

in Unfinished business

sake of brevity I refer to people who have been labelled as mentally ill as ‘the mentally ill’ and young people as ‘children’. These are the ‘categories’ in which people may find themselves at certain times in their life course; they are not realms of being. 146 Part II Doing Shared ideology, structure and function Radical feminists and anarchists have often argued that authoritarian structures begin at home with the nuclear family. The voice of authority to be obeyed originates within the family unit, and children learn to obey father, teacher, boss and god. My

in Changing anarchism
When and how are advocacy campaigns effective?

. By contrast, the third, norms-​based paradigm posits that TAN effectiveness (or the lack of it) stems from shifting identities brought on by socialization to the mores and practices of a larger whole, or a sense of belonging to a community defined by common adherence to certain values. My discussion of each of these paradigms in turn is accompanied by remarks on how each might be expected to play out in the Chinese context, given what we know about its level of capacity, its authoritarian structure, and its posture in relation to norms of the international

in The advocacy trap
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, for instance, environmental concerns, and issues of autonomy and exclusion. Secondly, it does not limit itself to the struggle of the industrial working class, nor does it regard other struggles as being of secondary importance to that of workers. It is much more heterogeneous than that, and includes the campaigns of environmentalists, labour rights activists, refugee groups, and so on. Thirdly, it also rejects centralist and authoritarian structures, structures that characterised many forms of Marxist politics: there is no one political party or identity at its

in Unstable universalities