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British foreign policy and the special relationship in the Cameron era and beyond
Simon Tate

, A special relationship.indd 150 19/07/2012 10:59:22 The future of the special relationship 151 Towards a ‘networked world’ One strand of rhetoric emanating from the government as it attempts to move beyond the ideas of the Cold War, international community and coalitions of the willing is to describe the world as ‘networked with overlapping relationships where bilateral relations are still very, very important as well as of course multilateral organisations’ (Hague, 2010; see also Foreign and Commonwealth Office, 2010a; 2010b).3 This has been presented as a

in A special relationship?
Foreign policy and strategic alliances in an uncertain world

In the context of political transitions taking place at the domestic, regional and international levels, this book maps a series of key Saudi and United Arab Emirates (UAE) bilateral relations incorporating the Middle East, the US, Europe, China, Russia, the Horn of Africa, India, Pakistan, Japan, Republic of Korea, Indonesia and Malaysia. It argues that established modes of analysis such as riyal politik and the Islamisation of Saudi foreign policy are somewhat redundant in a changing economic climate and amid evidence of uncertain returns, whilst political consolidation amounting to Sultanism tells only part of the story. The book underscores the role of youth, background, and western affinity in leadership, as well as liberalisation, hyper-nationalism, secularisation, ‘Push East’ pressure and broader economic statecraft as being the new touchstones of Saudi and UAE foreign policy. This volume also sheds light on aspects of offensive realism, dependency theory, alliance patterns, ‘challenger states’ and political legitimacy in a region dominated by competition, securitisation and proxy warfare.

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The international relations of a South American giant

This book contributes to the construction of an integrated analysis of Brazilian foreign policy by focusing on the country's insertion into both the regional and global system over the roughly twenty-five years through to the end of Dilma's first term as president in 2014. An attempt is made to order the discussion through exploration of a series of themes, which are further broken down into key component parts. The first section presents the context, with chapters on institutional structures and the tactical behaviours exhibited by the country's diplomacy, which will be used to guide the analysis in subsequent chapters. The second focuses on issues, taking in trade policies, the rise of Brazilian foreign direct investment, security policy and multilateralism. Key relationships are covered in the final section, encompassing Latin America, the Global South, the US and China. A central contradiction is the clear sense that Brazilian foreign policy makers want to position their country as leader, but are almost pathologically averse to explicitly stating this role or accepting the implicit responsibilities. The recurrent theme is the rising confusion about what Brazil's international identity is, what it should be, and what this means Brazil can and should do. A repeated point made is that foreign policy is an important and often overloooked aspect of domestic policies. The Dilma presidency does hold an important place in the analytical narrative of this book, particularly with respect to the chapters on trade, Brazil Inc., security policy and bilateral relations with the US and China.

Towards international disciplines

This book examines some of the challenges which globalisation throws up for the international community from a legal perspective. It focuses on two aspects of the treatment of foreign investment by states: the general rules concerning access, operation and expropriation of foreign investment and the lex specialis of international taxation. The book describes the implications for developing states which have in the past resisted the international law rules relating to expropriation of foreign investment and sought instead the development of a new international economic order including inter alia the establishment of binding rules addressing the behaviour of transnational corporations. It traces the development of new legal concepts and techniques in different contexts and locations: in bilateral relations, in multilateral conventions and negotiations and in regional economic integration systems. The wide scope of the Uruguay Round and the linking of the separate agreements in the WTO 'package' serve to illustrate how the battle between old and new ideological strands can be played out simultaneously in different ways in different locations and with different results; it serves to highlight how ideology drives the transfer and leakage of legal concepts and principles from one field to another. Many developing states have signed up to the WTO Agreements and have embraced the free trade orthodoxy in other areas. But recent and future developments in relation to the treatment and taxation of foreign investment will constitute in some areas an assault on long-held ideological constructs hitherto shielded from or accommodated within other free trade developments.

Thomas S. Wilkins

–Australia security ties are now stronger than ever’ ( Satake, 2015 ). The construction of a positive and now multifaceted relationship with Tokyo represents a foreign policy triumph for Australia, perhaps only rivalled by its linkages to the US or the UK. The purpose of this chapter is threefold. First, in accordance with the theme of this volume, it will examine the overall relationship between Canberra and Tokyo from a distinctly Australian perspective. Second, it will disaggregate Australia–Japan bilateral relations from the simplistic ‘allies of the

in Japan's new security partnerships
Bilateralism versus alliances
Robert Mason

, 46 and is unlikely to be so for some time, if ever, in the cases of Saudi Arabia and the UAE, given the relatively symmetrical relations and plethora of options that these states still enjoy. The Ethihad rail deal that links Ghuweifat on the border of Saudi Arabia to Fujairah and Khorfakkan on the UAE's east coast is a good example of the sheer diversity of contracts awarded and the diversity of bilateral relations that large-scale projects can foster. 47

in Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates
Charlotte Wagnsson

focus is on the relationship between the EU and Russia, but also on bilateral relations between Russia and the major EU member states. The term ‘Europe’ needs clarification. This volume distinguishes between ‘EU-Europe’, which includes the EU and its member states, and ‘greater Europe’, which envisages Russia, the EU and its member states. It would be unsatisfactory to limit the analysis to Russia and the

in Security in a greater Europe
Abstract only
James Whidden

meant that the British government failed to commit itself to the new policy of cultural diplomacy, social integration, and bilateral relations. The undying idea of a British imperial race compromised collaboration; the imperial narrative weakened the position of the Egyptian elites whose bargain with British power had been strategic, founded on the idea of Egyptian national autonomy. In an unexpected turn

in Egypt
The view from Budapest
László Borhi

1989 even the question of neutrality was broached. Budapest proposed the fundamental transformation of Comecon and the establishment of bilateral relations with the Common Market with eventual Hungarian membership in sight. The party rescinded its monopoly of power and agreed to free elections without any proviso, such as the deal struck in Poland, for the communist party’s continued representation in government. By the autumn of 1989 Hungary was clearly in the vanguard of change that promised to propel onto the international agenda the very question of the division

in The 1989 Revolutions in Central and Eastern Europe
Institutionalising ties amid strategic uncertainty
Robert Mason

the threat posed by nuclear weapons in frozen conflicts involving ROK (with US support) and North Korea, India and Pakistan, with further potential proliferation risks and conflict between Iran and Saudi Arabia. The Asian geo-economic and security landscape is complex, interwoven and constantly shifting, making bilateral relations a more favourable channel than pursuing such interests wholly through multilateral fora. This chapter details the broadening bilateral relations between Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Japan and ROK, assesses the interplay of

in Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates