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66 4 ‘I want to tell them how I feel and how black people feel’: gumboot dance in South Africa Isadora Duncan’s rebelling body, dancing the chorus, was released into Martha Graham’s contracting chorus. But Duncan and Graham were not the first to mobilise choruses and their transgressive potential. I invite the reader–spectator to watch gumboot dance in South Africa, which, as we will see, utilised many elements performed by Graham and Duncan in a radically different context. The body is able to intervene universally; and it does so beyond theatrical
( Stanford, CA : Stanford University Press ). Nabumira , L. ( 2018 ), ‘ Of Course, Development Aid Has a Big Black People Problem ’, Critical Investigations into Humanitarianism in Africa , www.cihablog.com/of-course-development-aid-has-a-big-black-people-problem/ (accessed 1 October 2020
, L. ( 2018 ), ‘ Of Course, Development Aid Has a Big, Black, People Problem ’, African Feminism , 7 June , https://africanfeminism.com/of-course-development-aid-has-a-big-black-people-problem-by-lydia-namubiru/ (accessed 31 July 2020 ). Neuman , M. and Weissman
provides some of the most pertinent examples. For example, the use of automatic facial recognition technology by the police in the United States has a higher chance of misrecognising black faces compared to white faces due to the software learning from a database of faces that are skewed towards white faces over other ethnic minorities (and a lack of institutional push to address this bias). The racial bias of this software has real-world consequences: with more black people wrongly accused
We live in an age in which advertising is part of the fabric of our lives. Advertising in its modern form largely has its origins in the later nineteenth century. This book is the first to provide a historical survey of images of black people in advertising during the colonial period. It highlights the way in which racist representations continually developed and shifted throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, depending on the particular political and economic interests of the producers of these images. The book analyses the various conflicting, and changing ideologies of colonialism and racism in British advertising, revealing reveal the purposes to which these images of dehumanisation and exploitation were employed. The first part deals with images of Africa, the second deals with images of black people in the West, and the third considers questions relating to issues about images and social representations in general. The Eurocentric image of the 'savage' and 'heathen', the period of slavery, European exploration and missionary activity, as well as the colonisation of Africa in the nineteenth century are explored. Representations of the servant, the entertainer, and the exotic man or woman with a rampant sexuality are also presented. The key strategy with which images of black people from the colonial period have been considered is that of stereotyping. The material interests of soap manufacturers, cocoa manufacturers, tea advertising, and tobacco advertising are discussed. The book explains the four particular types of imagery dominate corporate advertising during the 1950s and early 1960s.
Rock Against Racism (RAR) operated between 1976 and 1981, and was a mass campaign that combined anti-racist politics with popular culture. Throughout this period RAR used the medium of concerts featuring black and white musicians as a focus for, and practical demonstration of, its politics of 'inter-racial' unity. This book deals with important theoretical issues that are particularly pertinent to the party's relationship with RAR. It covers three areas: the theory of state capitalism, the relationship between the party and the working class, and the united front. The book then examines the state of the Socialist Workers Party - formerly the International Socialists (IS) - during the mid- to late 1970s. The youth cultures with which RAR most closely identified were contested between political tendencies and music industry interests before RAR appeared on the scene. Punk had emerged as a significant, if somewhat ambivalent, radical phenomenon in its own right and reggae was implicated in the politico-cultural struggles between black people and the British state. Furthermore, it is clear from the testimony from the far-right that black culture was not immune to co-option by forces opposed to the kind of multiculturalism that RAR espoused. The book also looks at some of the political and social influences on the organisation's politics. It argues that RAR's approach entailed a rejection both of the Communist Party's Cold War-inflected point of view and of those theorists who despaired of any attempt to break the grip of bourgeois ideology on the working class.
latter question does not imply a form of economic determinism in which meaning is reduced to an ‘effect’ of an economic ‘cause’, rather, it involves dismantling . . . complex relations. (Lynda Nead, Myths of Sexuality , 1990) The representations of black people explored in this book
that you find in songs like Grandmaster Flash’s ‘The Message’. We felt that this was exactly what Genet was doing. I’m sure that French spectators in the original production in Paris must have been amazed to hear black people talking so aggressively and eloquently on the stage. Carl Ramsey, a local poet, was our lyrical adviser on the show. He also played the role of the Judge. We would give him a chunk of text from the original, and he’d look at how it worked across the different translations. Then we’d say something like ‘we need two verses and a chorus’. We
(LCP), a multi-racial lobby which began to campaign for full civil rights for black people in Britain, and which came increasingly to condemn white racial superiority in the empire overseas. As preacher, lobbyist and campaigner Moody drove himself hard. In the spring of 1947 he returned home from a strenuous tour of the West Indies and died twelve days later at the age of sixty-four. Harold Moody
13 The Parts: whiskey, tea, and sympathy Katherine O’Donnell There is a history of Irish empathy for black people. It can be argued that a key component in the construction of Irish political and cultural identity is the practice of emotion of ‘feeling with’ and standing in the same place with black Others. From the end of the eighteenth century we can see the articulation of Irish national identity being formulated (at least partially if not centrally) in terms of an ability to share in and hence represent the political and cultural sufferings and triumphs of