Conflict poses considerable challenges for services that support communities, and in particular those affected by violence. This book describes the work undertaken in Omagh against the background of the most recent period of violent conflict in Ireland, and specifically it draws upon the work following the Omagh bombing. The bombing came just four months after the Northern Ireland peace agreement, known formally as the Belfast Agreement of 1998, and more informally as the Good Friday Agreement. The book describes the impact of the bomb and the early responses. Local trade unions, employers and the business community played key roles at times, particularly in underlining the need for solidarity and in identifying themselves with the desire for peace. The book looks at the outcome of needs-assessments undertaken following the Omagh bombing. The efforts to understand the mental health and related impact of the violence associated with the Troubles in Northern Ireland over the period 1969 to 2015 are focused in detail. The later efforts to build services for the benefit of the wider population are described, drawing upon the lessons gained in responding to the Omagh bombing. The developments in therapy, in training and education, and in research and advocacy are described with reference to the work of the Northern Ireland Centre for Trauma and Transformation (NICTT). The book draws together key conclusions about the approaches that could be taken to address mental health and well-being as an essential component of a peace-building project.
. The overall result was to make the directors
of the geographical society more sensitive to charges that it lacked
scientific rigour precisely at a time when other pressures coming from
the businesscommunity were pulling the society in the direction of
The call for the practical economic uses of geography also
coincided with the call for scientific reform after the Franco
priority was to involve two other parties in the conference:
the businesscommunity and the non-government sector. Their participation
would contribute valuable knowledge and experience. Moreover, he hoped
that they would pressure governments to adopt strong measures to protect the
His invitations were welcomed by NGOs to the extent that around 170
attended. On the other hand, the business sector was not interested, with
many corporations hostile to the environmental agenda. Still, Strong managed
to convince the International Chamber of Commerce (ICC) to
co-opted onto the committee attended only sporadically and without any
evident effect on its strategies; their substantive contribution was to serve as
links with potential donors in the Manchester businesscommunity.
Refugees at the University of Manchester
An (undated) press release issued by the committee, and a public appeal
issued on 27 July 1933, give a rather different twist to this course of events.38
In this version, ‘simultaneously’ with the formation of the AAC in London,
‘a group of Manchester citizens raised a fund with the
competitors, such as some Japanese firms, were
experimenting with non-compradore structures from the end of the nineteenth century
Improvements in relations with the Chinese businesscommunity also came
at the expense of the compradores.
Swire’s cost-conscious response from the late 1920s
onwards was to attempt to set up a system of salaried ‘Chinese
In 1971, in order to find a quick fix to America’s growing currency crisis, President Richard Nixon ended the convertibility of the US dollar to gold removing a key feature of the Bretton Woods monetary system. Called the ‘Nixon Shock,’ it threatened the postwar international order. Into the breach stepped a new generation of global architects, mainly drawn from the business community and neoliberal think tanks. Together, they worked towards a new model of globalisation in which governments would step back from active management of the world’s economy. Instead, the rule of law would limit the ability of governments to interfere with the free movement of goods, services and capital around the world.
From Manchester United as a ‘global leisure brand’ to FC United as a ‘community club’
Given the symmetry between the changes within football and the larger structural changes in the Mancunian and English economy, Manchester United fans provide an excellent site through which to perceive how urban economic transformations have been understood and responded to. This chapter explores this process through an investigation of a particular group of Manchester United fans, who in 2005 formed a breakaway club 'FC United of Manchester' in response to a transnational debt-leveraged buy-out of their club. Distinctions between Manchester United's and FC United's modes of exchange were most straightforwardly articulated by Paul who told the author that 'FC United is a community club whereas Manchester United is a business'. 'Community' then becomes a political language but one that was used to contest a process of capitalist transformation and to bring a new reality into being. Since the 1980s, the club has become a sporting global brand.
In this broad sweep, Mayo explores dominant European discourses of higher education, in the contexts of different globalisations and neoliberalism, and examines its extension to a specific region. It explores alternatives in thinking and practice including those at the grassroots, also providing a situationally grounded project of university–community engagement. Signposts for further directions for higher education lifelong learning, with a social justice purpose, are provided.
This book explores the evolving African security paradigm in light of the multitude of diverse threats facing the continent and the international community today and in the decades ahead. It challenges current thinking and traditional security constructs as woefully inadequate to meet the real security concerns and needs of African governments in a globalized world. The continent has becoming increasingly integrated into an international security architecture, whereby Africans are just as vulnerable to threats emanating from outside the continent as they are from home-grown ones. Thus, Africa and what happens there, matters more than ever. Through an in-depth examination and analysis of the continent’s most pressing traditional and non-traditional security challenges—from failing states and identity and resource conflict to terrorism, health, and the environment—it provides a solid intellectual foundation, as well as practical examples of the complexities of the modern African security environment. Not only does it assess current progress at the local, regional, and international level in meeting these challenges, it also explores new strategies and tools for more effectively engaging Africans and the global community through the human security approach.
Northern Ireland’s regional experience of globalised trends
Katy Hayward and Eoin Magennis
breakfasts, to get
people around a table and talk prompted one businessman to note that ‘the
businesscommunity [is] realising it has a multi-faceted role in the development of Northern Ireland’.53 However, there are few examples of such involvement in Northern Ireland. Even the ‘Yes’ campaign in the 1998 referendum on
the Good Friday (Belfast) Agreement was largely funded by contributors from
outside Northern Ireland itself.54
In comparison, Darby and Mac Ginty note the example of the Business
against Crime initiative in South Africa, which sought to expand existing law