The politics of cyberspace is of importance both for the future use of computer-mediated communication (CMC) and within traditional political arenas, commerce and society itself. Within Britain there are many different political groups that have a presence online and utilise CMC, including for example members of the far right, human rights advocates, religious groups and environmental activists. This book examines the relationship between the strategies of environmental activist movements in Britain and their use of CMC. It explores how environmental activists negotiate the tensions and embrace the opportunities of CMC, and analyses the consequences of their actions for the forms and processes of environmental politics. It serves as a disjuncture from some broader critiques of the implications of CMC for society as a whole, concentrating on unpacking what CMC means for activists engaged in social change. Within this broad aim there are three specific objectives. It first evaluates how CMC provides opportunities for political expression and mobilization. Second, the book examines whether CMC use has different implications for established environmental lobbying organisations than it does for the non-hierarchical fluid networks of direct action groups. Third, it elucidates the influence of CMC on campaign strategies and consequently on business, government and regulatory responses to environmental activism.
electoral politics. The way in which parties have built on this constitutional
and legislative status to become so pervasive a force within the German
political process also is discussed. The second aspect is the selection of candidates: for both single-member constituencies and Land party lists.
Third, campaign planning and organisation require attention, since they
are becoming increasingly important in relation to campaignstrategy.
The constitutional and legislative basis of the German party-‘state’
There have been numerous diagnoses of the reasons for the
, in this chapter we present
systematic analyses of: (1) the vice presidential selection process; and, (2) general election campaignstrategy. The purpose of our analyses is to determine
whether the perception of a vice presidential HSA has a discernible impact on
actual campaign behavior. Discernment is the key word here, since campaigns
rarely announce the strategic motivations behind their decisions. Our inferential task, in that case, is to identify a pattern of behavior that a campaign would
follow if it were acting upon perceptions of a vice presidential HSA
have seen, many
Edwardian Unionists felt that they could not rely on traditional cries,
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which had served them well in the Victorian era but had been undermined
by Liberal counter-appeals. Unionist attempts to engage with class
identities in Edwardian Britain were far from one dimensional and grew
in sophistication after 1912 as the Conservative Party developed a targeted,
pluralistic campaignstrategy across the nation.
In the run-up to the 1907 LCC elections the London Municipal Society
as a legacy of the Boer War is the birth of Gandhi’s political
philosophy and campaignstrategy of passive resistance.
But what did Gandhi, and the Indian community at
large, make of the fellow sufferers from racial discrimination in
South Africa, especially the Africans? Gandhi had once advised
Indians to keep their campaign for rights distinct from those of
it.84 The WFrL was formed with Elizabeth’s personal
ideological principals of ethical and moral justice and individual freedom
at its heart and, as so often before, she took on the labours of secretary.
The WFrL’s campaignstrategy was built on a manifesto that sought the
removal of the effects of inequality of opportunity for women, be these
inequalities related to sex, marriage, work, the law or politics. Its ideology
comprised, as has been argued, the ‘conscience’ of radical suffragism;
but the consciousness which shaped it was Elizabeth’s own.85
This chapter examines the political campaigns of Richard Wainwright throughout his career. It describes Wainwright's campaign strategy and the circumstances he faced during the campaign years, 1959, 1963, 1964, 1970, 1974, 1979, 1983, and 1987. It explains that Wainwright became Member of Parliament from 1966 to 1970 and from 1974 to 1987. This chapter suggests that Wainwright's retirement in 1987 also marked the start of a period of dramatic electoral decline for the Colne Valley Liberals.
Michael Breen, Michael Courtney, Iain Mcmenamin, Eoin O’Malley and Kevin Rafter
Chapter 7 focuses on the effect of the commercial basis of outlets on their
election coverage. The authors do not find the association between greater
market vulnerability and more negativity and more emphasis on the political
competition frame, as posited by hypercritical infotainment. Instead, the
amount of political coverage provided by a given outlet is stressed. Those
committed to politics offer a substantial amount of content in both the
political competition and policy frames. Those with more marginal political
content tend to stick to the policy basics and do not afford space to the
details of polls and campaign strategies.
This book examines the impact that nostalgia has had on the Labour Party’s political development since 1951. In contrast to existing studies that have emphasised the role played by modernity, it argues that nostalgia has defined Labour’s identity and determined the party’s trajectory over time. It outlines how Labour, at both an elite and a grassroots level, has been and remains heavily influenced by a nostalgic commitment to an era of heroic male industrial working-class struggle. This commitment has hindered policy discussion, determined the form that the modernisation process has taken and shaped internal conflict and cohesion. More broadly, Labour’s emotional attachment to the past has made it difficult for the party to adjust to the socioeconomic changes that have taken place in Britain. In short, nostalgia has frequently left the party out of touch with the modern world. In this way, this book offers an assessment of Labour’s failures to adapt to the changing nature and demands of post-war Britain.
Does European integration contribute to, or even accelerate, the erosion of intra-party democracy? This book is about improving our understanding of political parties as democratic organisations in the context of multi-level governance. It analyses the impact of European Union (EU) membership on power dynamics, focusing on the British Labour Party, the French Socialist Party (PS), and the German Social Democratic Party (SPD). The purpose of this book is to investigate who within the three parties determines EU policies and selects EU specialists, such as the candidates for European parliamentary elections and EU spokespersons. The book utilises a principal-agent framework to investigate the delegation of power inside the three parties across multiple levels and faces. It draws on over 65 original interviews with EU experts from the three national parties and the Party of European Socialists (PES) and an e-mail questionnaire. This book reveals that European policy has largely remained in the hands of the party leadership. Its findings suggest that the party grassroots are interested in EU affairs, but that interest rarely translates into influence, as information asymmetry between the grassroots and the party leadership makes it very difficult for local activists to scrutinise elected politicians and to come up with their own policy proposals. As regards the selection of EU specialists, such as candidates for the European parliamentary elections, this book highlights that the parties’ processes are highly political, often informal, and in some cases, undemocratic.