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This book provides a chronological study of popular cinema in Brazil since the introduction of sound at the beginning of the 1930s. It begins the study with a brief discussion of how people understand the term 'popular cinema', particularly within a Latin American context. The focus is on films that have intentionally engaged with 'low-brow' cultural products, whose origins lie in pre-industrial traditions, and which have been enjoyed by wide sectors of the population, chiefly at the lower end of the social hierarchy. Perhaps the most important contribution of the chanchada of the 1950s was to render visible a social class within Brazil's socio-cultural landscape, and to champion the underdog, who succeeds in triumphing, through malandragem, over more powerful opponents. Brazilian popular cinema, at least until the 1980s, can be seen as a direct descendant of other shared cultural experiences. Popular film in Brazil is littered with examples of carnivalesque inversions of societal norms and established hierarchies. The 1930s witnessed the rise of the radio, the record industry and the talking cinema. The first half of the 1940s witnessed a continuation of Getúlio Vargas's quest for economic expansion based on the creation of a dignified workforce, rewarded for its efforts by improvements in the welfare system. The book also looks at three very popular cinematic sub-genres which provided a continuation of the chanchada tradition in Brazilian filmmaking: the films of Amacio Mazzaropi; those of the comedic quartet known as the Trapalhoes; and the so-called pornochanchada series of films.

Stephanie Dennison and Lisa Shaw

in these films to comic re-workings of the titles of successful US movies. Popular film in Brazil is littered with examples of carnivalesque inversions of societal norms and established hierarchies. A stock plot device in the chanchada is that of mistaken identity, a classic case of carnivalesque troca or exchange, which permits characters from very different social backgrounds to assume each other

in Popular cinema in Brazil, 1930–2001
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Stephanie Dennison and Lisa Shaw

Otelo ensured huge popular appeal. They both starred in the paradigmatic Atlântida chanchada Carnaval no fogo (Carnival on Fire) of 1949, which like numerous examples of the genre revolved around carnivalesque inversions, more specifically changes of identity, and followed the formulaic story line to the letter. It has been argued that the very predictability of popular film, far from being

in Popular cinema in Brazil, 1930–2001
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Stephanie Dennison and Lisa Shaw

femmes fatales include the rumba singer/dancer in Aviso aos navegantes , a pastiche of the libidinous latina. The motif of transvestism is an obvious example of carnivalesque inversion, in which sexual instability is just another reflection of the temporary suspension of normality. 51 But drag scenes also serve to highlight the performative nature of gender, and to comically draw attention to Hollywood’s manipulation of

in Popular cinema in Brazil, 1930–2001
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Stephanie Dennison and Lisa Shaw

carnivalesque inversion and ambivalence’, 30 and one cannot help but be reminded of the equally carnivalesque conclusion to the hit comedy film Some Like it Hot (1959). 31 A similar inversion of audience expectations takes place when the same villain later dies by falling into his own swimming pool filled with feijoada or black bean stew. Just before he goes under, he cries out: ‘Falta sal!’ (It needs salt!). 32

in Popular cinema in Brazil, 1930–2001
Reflections on contemporary anarchism, anti-capitalism and the international scene
Karen Goaman

!’, satirising the contained and predictable behaviour of orthodox demonstrations and marches (Graeber, 2002: 66–7). In Quebec at the ‘Summit of the Americas’, in April 2001, demonstrators built a huge medieval catapult and lobbed soft toys from it. They also used hockey sticks to return tear gas canisters back to police lines. The use of soft toys as launcher ‘ammunition’, and the use of the tools of play (hockey sticks) in a defensive role, subverts and inverts the roles of play and defence. Such carnivalesque inversions of weapons and toys are a well-established element of

in Changing anarchism
Incongruity in Feþegeorn (R.31)
Jonathan Wilcox

that humour saves mental energy as we realise that the set-up does not require serious problem solving. Play and the signals that define play prove to be a useful element in detecting humour. 7 If incongruity is the essential mechanism for humour, much recent work has helped to give this an appropriate context. For something to be humorous, it needs to operate in an appropriate domain (lacking magnitude according to Aristotle), often depending on a move from high to low (the carnivalesque inversion of Bakhtin). 8 Humour occurs within a paradox of identification

in Riddles at work in the early medieval tradition
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Embodiment and adolescence in recent Spanish films
Sarah Wright

presumably have been prevented) and is brusquely led off by her daughterin-law. In a beautifully lit scene reminiscent of a Vermeer painting, El Bola’s mother washes the wrinkled, folded skin of her mother-in-law (whose body recalls now a painting by Francis Bacon with its uncompromising vision of the ageing body) as she stands up in the bath, supported by El Bola’s arm. When the grandmother protests at the presence of her grandson she is chastised whilst El Bola, for his part, averts his gaze. This is a carnivalesque inversion of the mother–child dyad. El Bola, his mother

in The child in Spanish cinema
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Stephanie Dennison and Lisa Shaw

the carnivalesque inversion of gender via male characters appearing in drag. Like the chanchadas of the 1940 and 1950s, Solberg’s film considers what it means to be Brazilian, and it helps audiences to appreciate how cultural identities may be forged through a complex dialogue between expectations, perceptions and realities. 38 Popular music in 1990s film Two films made by the acclaimed

in Popular cinema in Brazil, 1930–2001
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Stephanie Dennison and Lisa Shaw

into positions of power and prestige, in a classic case of carnivalesque inversion. Such cases of mistaken identity and ensuing role reversal were to resurface throughout the chanchadas of the 1940s and 1950s. Similarly, this film pre-empted the chanchadas of the following two decades by venerating the counter-cultural lifestyle of malandragem, as evidenced in the following dialogue exchanged by Jaime Costa’s character

in Popular cinema in Brazil, 1930–2001