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Elliot Vernon

infrastructure. Presbyterian church government in the mid-seventeenth century was, in essence, a voluntary association, relying on godly citizens and ministers for its being, rather than the national or local magistrate. 1 Parish elderships and classical presbyteries were established in the second half of 1646 and in May 1647 the London Provincial assembly, which would act as the central governing body for London presbyterianism, met for the first session of a series of continuous biannual meetings until 1660. 2 London’s presbyterian

in London presbyterians and the British revolutions, 1638–64
Elliot Vernon

accommodated their demands for a peace settlement based on the Solemn League and Covenant. Among parliamentarians in the city, this emerging ‘political presbyterian’ coalition completed the polarisation that had begun over issues of church government and liberty of conscience during the first civil war. 2 This chapter and chapter 6 explore the role of London’s presbyterians within the ‘political presbyterian’ alliance. The period 1645–7 witnessed a struggle within parliamentarianism to control and define the terms of

in London presbyterians and the British revolutions, 1638–64
Author: Elliot Vernon

This book seeks to locate the London presbyterian movement in the metropolitan, parliamentarian and British politics of the mid-seventeenth-century crisis. It explores the emergence of the presbyterian movement in London from the collapse of Charles I’s monarchy, the movement’s influence on the parliamentarian political struggles of the civil war and interregnum and concludes by looking at the beginnings of Restoration nonconformity. The work covers the political, intellectual and social history of the London presbyterian movement, looking at the development of ideas of presbyterian church government and political theory, as well as exploring the London presbyterians’ mobilisation and organisation to establish their vision of reforming the Reformation. The work addresses the use of the ‘information revolution’ in the British revolution, analysing religious disputation, the political use of rumour and gossip and the interface between oral and written culture. It argues that the London presbyterian movement, whose participants are often the foils to explorations of other individuals or groups in historical writing, was critical to the dynamic of the politics of the period.

Elliot Vernon

divisions among the godly on the issue of the proper location of power in church government and how, in light of those divisions, the parliamentarian clergy closest to the junto struggled to maintain unity, if not consensus, in the fight against prelacy. Pre-civil war puritan thinking on church polity Ideas for further reform of the Church of England in the middle decades of the seventeenth century did not come out of a vacuum. During the Elizabethan period, presbyterians such as Thomas Cartwright, Walter Travers and

in London presbyterians and the British revolutions, 1638–64
Alan Ford

be dated to the early years of Elizabeth’s reign, though it remained, by and large, within the confines of the established church, and, apart from those ‘hasty’ members who chose to separate, continued to advocate a national church. The attempt by English puritans to create Presbyterian structures within the Church of England ended in defeat in the late 1580s. Though Presbyterianism survived, English puritanism subsequently became less concerned with church government than with the creation of godly communities at a parochial level, often with the enthusiastic

in The Scots in early Stuart Ireland
Chad Van Dixhoorn

Church polity and politics in the British Atlantic Chapter 6 Presbyterian ecclesiologies at the Westminster assembly Chad Van Dixhoorn ECCLESIASTICAL CONTEXTS T he Westminster assembly was in many ways the high point of the puritan experiment. The special morning service on 1 July 1643 saw the nave of Westminster Abbey thronged with supporters of a godly reformation. Long prayed-for alterations in worship, clarifications in doctrine and renovations in church government were finally within reach. While continuing reformation was to proceed on all three fronts

in Church polity and politics in the British Atlantic world, c. 1635–66
Cheshire on the eve of civil war
Authors: Richard Cust and Peter Lake

This book aims to revisit the county study as a way into understanding the dynamics of the English civil war during the 1640s. It explores gentry culture and the extent to which early Stuart Cheshire could be said to be a ‘county community’. It investigates the responses of the county’s governing elite and puritan religious establishment to highly polarising interventions by the central government and Laudian ecclesiastical authorities during Charles I’s Personal Rule. The second half of the book provides a rich and detailed analysis of the petitioning movements and side-taking in Cheshire during 1641-42. This important contribution to understanding the local origins and outbreak of civil war in England will be of interest to all students and scholars studying the English Revolution.

Clare Jackson

avoided producing iure divino arguments for Episcopacy, averring instead that specific forms of church government were ‘matters indifferent’ to salvation and best left to civil magistrates to determine. There was also no prescribed liturgy; as one of the church’s most vocal internal critics, Gilbert Burnet, bemoaned in 1666, the Restoration church was ‘the only one in the world which hath no rule for worship’, 7 whilst

in The later Stuart Church, 1660–1714
Elliot Vernon

The events of 1644 would finally shatter the fragile godly alliance that had emerged at Aldermanbury in 1641. In January 1644, the publication of the congregationalists’ Apologeticall narration made public debate on church government unavoidable. This debate ran alongside the majority in the Westminster assembly coalescing around a presbyterian position that stressed the independence of the church and the central role of collective presbyteries in ecclesiastical government. Working against the realisation of

in London presbyterians and the British revolutions, 1638–64
Marco Barducci

Imperio had been intended as a theoretical and speculative work on state–church relations and church government. It affirmed the civil magistrate’s authority over church and religion independently from its governmental form, praised episcopacy, and showed its compatibility with Presbyterian Church government. Grotius started writing De Imperio in 1614, during the dispute between

in Order and conflict