In twenty-first-century Chinese cities there are hundreds of millions of rural
migrants who are living temporary lives, suspended between urban and rural
China. They are the unsung heroes of the country’s ‘economic miracle’, yet are
regarded as second-class citizens in both a cultural, material and legal sense.
China’s citizenship challenge tells the story of how civic organisations set up
by some of these rural migrants challenge this citizenship marginalisation. The
book argues that in order to effectively address the problems faced by migrant
workers, these NGOs must undertake ‘citizenship challenge’: the transformation
of migrant workers’ social and political participation in public life, the
broadening of their access to labour and other rights, and the reinvention of
their relationship to the city. By framing the NGOs’ activism in terms of
citizenship rather than class struggle, this book offers a valuable contribution
to the field of labour movement studies in China. The monograph also proves
exceptionally timely in the context of the state’s repression of these
organisations in recent years, which, as the book explores, was largely driven
by their citizenship-altering activism.
local government and ACFTU, and in this way seeks to change attitudes towards NGOs and towards greater empowerment of migrant workers, attempting to transform citizenshiprights from within the system.
One such essential part of the process of claiming representation is by self-organisation of workers through collective bargaining. Collective bargaining is conducted by several Guangdong-based, so-called ‘labour movement type’ NGOs. In the sample of NGOs in this study, those who helped workers in collective bargaining were FJ, UA and ET
In surrogacy, parenthood claims are ridden by ethical complexities,
and so is the citizenship claim of the child born to the surrogate
woman in the host country and later taken by foreign commissioning
parents to their home country. Different legal regimes across
various cultures and countries recognise different actors in
surrogacy as the bearer of citizenshiprights; citizenship can thus
their positioning rooted in a given physical or geographical space,
in a certain kind of community or social arrangement, determine the construction of their citizenship identities and their access to resources, opportunities and
entitlements. Needless to say, when citizenshiprights and entitlements are inhibited, withheld or violated, there is a heightening of pauperization and marginalization.
This is where governance comes in. Ideally, governance should be concerned
with the restoration of citizenshiprights equally and equitably. That would mean,
Democracy as a system of government. Here we can discern two forms of
democracy: ‘defensive democracy’ and ‘citizen
democracy’/‘republican democracy’; democracy and
legitimising government; majority rule and democracy; equality of citizenshiprights; public opinion in democracies; the rule of law and democracy.
Democracy as a system of government
Ancient Greeks, such as Aristotle in
Friday Agreement were reopened by the possibility of Brexit (McTague 2018 ).
Another challenge that is sharpened by Brexit relates to the need for some degree of harmonization or Europeanization of the citizenship laws of the member states. Increased cross-border migration and family formation leads to functional pressures for basing access to citizenshiprights on residence rather than nationality, and the introduction and growth of EU citizenship has profoundly altered the nature of Europe and the meaning of European integration for its citizens, which forces even
THIS CHAPTER EXPLORES, through a discussion of one instance, how the principal categories of the Lockean narrative can shape the context for the understanding of and response to political injury. In the case of much Western response to the Beijing massacre the conceptualisation of man and the state is particularly important, as is the related articulation of the realms of ethics and politics. The following discussion of the Beijing killings also questions the adequacy of the terms of the debate between citizenshiprights and human rights
Recent debates over migration, refuge, and citizenship are challenging the
assumed primacy of the nation-state as the key guarantor of rights and
entitlements. Sanctuary Cities and Urban Struggles makes the first
sustained intervention into exploring how such considerations of citizenship,
rights, and mobility are recast when examined from different spatial scales. The
collection brings together discussions from across political geography, urban
geography, citizenship studies, socio-legal studies, and refugee studies to
explore the role of urban social movements, localised practices of belonging and
rights claiming, and diverse articulations of sanctuary in reshaping where and
how responses to the governance of migration are articulated. Working from the
intimate relations of the body and interpersonal accounts of sanctuary, through
to strategies for autonomous settlement as part of Europe’s ‘summer of
migration’, the collection sets out to challenge the often assumed primacy of
the nation-state as the dominant lens through which to understand questions of
citizenship and mobility. In its place, Sanctuary Cities and Urban
Struggles proposes not a singular alternative, but rather a set of
interlocking sites and scales of political practice and imagination, all of
which respond to, and variously rework, the governmental demands of the
contemporary nation-state. Mixing empirical cases and conceptualisations that
move beyond ‘seeing like a state’, this collection will be of interest to
geographers, political sociologists, migration scholars, social anthropologists,
This chapter explores the ways in which voluntary women’s organisations focussed on the concept of citizenship rights and sought to secure the social and civil rights of citizenship for women. Here the focus is on divorce law reform, access to birth control information and the campaign to introduce safe and legal abortion. The diverging views of each organisation with regard to these moral questions are discussed. The difficulties encountered by organisations seeking to enhance women’s lives whilst at the same time defending their moral and religious beliefs is a central theme of this chapter.
The well-being of Europe’s citizens depends less on individual consumption and more on their social consumption of essential goods and services – from water and retail banking to schools and care homes – in what we call the foundational economy. Individual consumption depends on market income, while foundational consumption depends on social infrastructure and delivery systems of networks and branches, which are neither created nor renewed automatically, even as incomes increase. This historically created foundational economy has been wrecked in the last generation by privatisation, outsourcing, franchising and the widespread penetration of opportunistic and predatory business models. The distinctive, primary role of public policy should therefore be to secure the supply of basic services for all citizens (not a quantum of economic growth and jobs). Reconstructing the foundational has to start with a vision of citizenship that identifies foundational entitlements as the conditions for dignified human development, and likewise has to depend on treating the business enterprises central to the foundational economy as juridical persons with claims to entitlements but also with responsibilities and duties. If the aim is citizen well-being and flourishing for the many not the few, then European politics at regional, national and EU level needs to be refocused on foundational consumption and securing universal minimum access and quality. If/when government is unresponsive, the impetus for change has to come from engaging citizens locally and regionally in actions which break with the top down politics of ‘vote for us and we will do this for you’.