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D. ( 2017 ), ‘ The Datafication
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Sandvik , K.
B. ( 2012 ), ‘ Negotiating the
Humanitarian Past: History, Memory, and Unstable Cityscapes in Kampala,
This book examines nation-building ideology in the soldered states of Vietnam and Germany. Official nation-building ideology is understood here as the government-led construction of national identity, memory and history in order to promote an 'imagined community'. This ideology aims to maintain legitimacy within territorial limits, those of the state, and defines the limits of national belonging accordingly. The German and Vietnamese experiences are similar in using regional integration not only to improve their international standing, but also their domestic legitimacy. Comparison of Vietnam and Germany shows that despite contextual disparities, common trends emerge in governments' handling of advantages and obstacles to nation-building. Both soldered states face the same challenge of post-unification state legitimation. Their governments also use both nationalist and regionalist narratives in pursuit of that goal, offering insights into the ideological construction of communities in the context of past, divergent development. In sum, the German and Vietnamese cases have been chosen for their shared experience of national division, communism and participation in regional integration projects, namely the European Union (EU) and Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). These themes are examined through empirical examples of nation-building ideology - namely selected cityscapes, museums and textbooks - with an analytical focus on national icons, heroes and myths as nodal points of nation-building.
While most of the Germans who suffered expulsion during the First World War lived within British shores, the Royal Navy brought Germans from throughout the world to face incarceration in the their network of camp. This book offers a new interpretation of global migration from the early nineteenth until the early twentieth century. It examines the elite German migrants who progressed to India, especially missionaries, scholars and scientists, businessmen and travellers. The book investigates the reasons for the migration of Germans to India. An examination of the realities of German existence in India follows. It then examines the complex identities of the Germans in India in the century before the First World War. The role of the role of racism, orientalism and Christianity is discussed. The stereotypes that emerged from travelogues include: an admiration of Indian landscapes; contempt for Hinduism; criticism of the plight of women; and repulsion at cityscapes. The book moves to focus upon the transformation which took place as a result of this conflict, mirroring the plight of Germans in other parts of the world. The marginalisation which took place in 1920 closely mirrored the plight of the German communities throughout the British Empire. The unique aspect of the experience in India consisted of the birth of a national identity. Finally, the book places the experience of the Germans in India into four contexts: the global history of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries; German history; history of the British Empire in India; and Indian history.
-colonial practice, only to be revolutionised once more with
the desacralisation and decolonisation of space under communist rule
(Drummond 2000 , 2378). The
buildings, museums and monuments which marked the cityscape were invested
with a new range of meanings in line with the dominant ideology,
illustrating how the city can be considered a microcosm of nationalist
watching for clients. The pavement is thus full of obstacles, but in
constant flux too, as traders and wares, clients and passers-by come and go
throughout the day. The kerbside is also a fluid space. Motorbike drivers
may mount it to park, or view goods, or manoeuvre merchandise into place.
Again, the multifaceted and shifting cityscape can be seen as a microcosm of
all but the most authoritarian states, whose
dispensed with in Childe Harold IV, in favour of ‘the author speaking
in his own person’ as he directly encounters a range of landscapes,
cityscapes and landmarks. Consequently, as W. J. T. Mitchell puts
it, Byron’s ‘picturing, imagining, perceiving, likening and imitating’
of place are not the background to a narrative of self but rather the
constitutive elements of that narrative.5 The direct experience of place
becomes the basis of a whole poetic praxis, rather than an added
embellishment. For Byron, as for other Romantic expatriates, Italy
A visual narrative of the Romanian transition to capitalism
Anca Mihaela Pusca
Baudelaire. The flaneur was the wanderer, the one who
strolled the streets and absorbed their contrasts and intensity. Fascinated by Baudelaire’s writings, Walter Benjamin
picked up his concept of the flaneur and used it to describe
the streets of nineteenth-century Paris, the transformations
in the industrial cityscape and the influence that these transformations had on everything from fashion to the way in
which people related to their environment and each other. As
a modern anthropologist, philosopher and poet at the same
time, Benjamin was fascinated by how
’s multivocal mappings of cityscapes marked by revolutionary
and republican rupture. Cultural horizons of their still marginocentric
capitals extend further, compounding contradictions (and thus distinguishing these cross-culturally complicated memoried modernist
configurations of cultural discourse from their European counterparts).
But the differences necessary to dialogism in these eccentric citytexts
are also mediated by generational conflict and degeneration. Digressive,
divided, dissenting, contradictory lines of eccentric cultural construction
are further complicated
Hinduism (especially in the case of
missionaries); the position of women; and the prevalence of poverty and
disease. However, many travelogues devoted positive attention to the
Indian landscape, although descriptions of cityscapes often contained
negative language focusing upon poverty and disease.
While Germans may form part of the European elite in
India, they distinguished themselves not simply from
architecture and ambitious
cityscapes that sit, sometimes uneasily, alongside detailed tables, text and
photographs (see figures 1.1–1.10 and 2.1).2 Though never realised to
any great extent, the Plans appear to represent a time when British cities
gazed at the limitless possibilities of the post-war world and imagined a
better, healthier, fairer self.
Looking at the Plans 70 years on they are extraordinary documents
that contain a huge amount of often confusing information. Manchester’s
runs to 274 pages and Hull’s 92, although with the Hull Plan being 36 x
28 cm compared