This book addresses some of the neglected problems, people and vulnerabilities of the Asia-Pacific region. It talks about emancipation, human security, 'security politics', language and threat-construction. The book is divided into three sections: agents; strategies and contexts; and futures. The first section outlines a range of possible agents or actors potentially capable of redressing individual suffering and vulnerability in the region. It examines East Asian regional institutions and dynamics of regionalism as potential sources of 'progressive' security discourses and practices. There is focus on the progressive security potential of regional institutions and regionalism has become increasingly prominent in literature on security in the Asia-Pacific. Two common interpretations of the role of epistemic communities in the construction of security are contested: that they are either passive sources of governmental legitimacy, or autonomous agents with the capacity of constructing or creating state interests. The second section reviews strategies and contexts, outlining a range of different sites of insecurity in the region, the ways in which dominant security discourses and practices emerge, and the extent to which such discourses are contested in different contexts. Indonesian government's approach to minority groups and separatism, the issue of civil unrest and human rights abuses in Burma, and the Australian government's attitude towards refugees and asylum-seekers are discussed. The third section deals with security futures, specifically discussing the question of what alternative security discourses and practices might look like. Finally, the book outlines a feminist critical security discourse and examines its applicability to the Asia-Pacific region.

agency and capabilities of urban populations in general, but they also helped to fashion impressions of specific towns. It is surprising then that historians have traditionally demonstrated a preference for treating the civil unrest that accompanied urbanisation in general, and Chartism in particular, from a national perspective. The Birmingham Reform Rally (1819), Peterloo Massacre (1819), and the Bristol Riots (1831), as well as many other protests, both peaceful and violent, are customarily interpreted as local expressions of wider grievances; their particularity

in Beyond the metropolis

police stations. 38 In the aftermath of the Second World War, British Guiana faced regular public disturbances and civil unrest, as did many of the islands of the British Caribbean. The creation of the new British Guiana Industrial Workers’ Trade Union in April 1948 contributed to a widening of public discontent. 39 There were occasions when the heavy-handedness of the police in containing a situation

in At the end of the line
The Authorized Version and the Book of Common Prayer at the Restoration

warned that inasmuch as the Book of Common Prayer hath in it many things that are justly offensive and need amendment, [and] hath been long discontinued  … if it be again imposed, will inevitably follow sad divisions, and widening of the breaches which your majesty is now endeavouring to end.43 To the authors, the return of the ‘long discontinued’ Prayer Book, ‘if it again be imposed’, was by no means inevitable. However, their tactic of threatening the King with civil unrest if he failed to do their will was counter-​productive, and in his Worcester House Declaration

in From Republic to Restoration
Unemployed youth take to the streets

5 The Toxteth riots, 1981: unemployed youth take to the streets Large scale urban riots engulfed Liverpool’s Toxteth neighbourhood in early July 1981, lasting over nine days, only to erupt again later that month. This episode of civil unrest caused injuries to 468 police officers, the arrest of over 500 people, and more than 100 vehicles were set on fire. There was damage to both private and public property deemed so severe that some seventy buildings had to be demolished. The culmination of widespread damage and looting not only cost an estimated £8 million, but

in We shall not be moved
How Liverpool’s working class fought redundancies, closures and cuts in the age of Thatcher

The last quarter of the twentieth-century brought forth enormous change to the lives of working-class Britons. This transformation came mainly in the form of widespread industrial closure and the impoverishment associated with permanent unemployment. No British city bore closer witness to this phenomenon than Liverpool. The despair of joblessness and economic deprivation blighted Merseyside to a significantly greater extent than any other major British conurbation. Liverpool had frequently been prone to industrial unrest since 1945, but it was the dawn of Thatcher and the rise of neoliberal economics which made this city a nucleus of resistance against the encroaching tide of monetarism and sweeping de-industrialisation. This critique explores six case studies which illustrate how elements of a highly mobilized and politicized working-class fought against the rapid rise in forced redundancies and increasing industrial closures. Some of their responses included strikes, factory occupations, organising and politicizing the unemployed, effecting radical left-wing municipal politics, and sadly, even surrendering to violent civil unrest. This critique concludes that in the range, intensity and use of innovative tactics deployed during these conflicts, Liverpool stood out from every other British city. Liverpool was distinctive mainly because of its own unique history which involved a long, tortured, familiarity with poverty and mass unemployment.

Religion, politics and the past in post-revolutionary England

Reformation without end reinterprets the English Reformation. No one in eighteenth-century England thought that they lived during ‘the Enlightenment’. Instead, they thought that they still faced the religious, intellectual and political problems unleashed by the Reformation, which began in the sixteenth century. They faced those problems, though, in the aftermath of two bloody seventeenth-century political and religious revolutions.

This book is about the ways the eighteenth-century English debated the causes and consequences of those seventeenth-century revolutions. Those living in post-revolutionary England conceived themselves as living in the midst of the very thing which they thought had caused the revolutions: the Reformation. The reasons for and the legacy of the Reformation remained hotly debated in post-revolutionary England because the religious and political issues it had generated remained unresolved and that irresolution threatened more civil unrest. For this reason, most that got published during the eighteenth century concerned religion. This book looks closely at the careers of four of the eighteenth century’s most important polemical divines, Daniel Waterland, Conyers Middleton, Zachary Grey and William Warburton. It relies on a wide range of manuscript sources, including annotated books and unpublished drafts, to show how eighteenth-century authors crafted and pitched their works.

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the defence of a colony, the police essentially held the line. During the second phase came the possibility that the maintenance of law and order could take precedence over internal security. Yet during period of civil unrest, the police reverted to their earlier paramilitary role. It was only during the third phase, when British rule theoretically no longer required police protection against local

in At the end of the line
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represent the urban population collectively as a swarm, unified by purpose and urbanity and signified by features of dress, such as the top hat. Images of political protest and civil unrest were powerful and enduring, often retaining their currency years after tracts and newspaper reports had been forgotten. One compelling explanation for the longevity of these images is the recognition that the fire and destruction they wrought were permanently transformative. By invoking both the iconography of industrial manufacture in the form of flames, steam, and smoke, and the

in Beyond the metropolis
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Protestant repression, while Protestants were a subversive presence responsible for the major incidents of civil unrest in the early modern period. In no other surviving papers are Blundell’s doubts about particular aspects of his faith explored or his harsh line on Protestant malcontents fully discussed, and his commonplace entries offer a unique window into his private values. Furthermore, a number of his 210 Conclusion comments suggest that at times Blundell’s religious beliefs were dictated partially by utility. While he refused to accept a number of modern

in Reading and politics in early modern England