governmental movements to
operate in these circumstances, some on an ad hoc basis and some by way
of a permanent organisation.
During World War II, because of the intensive bombing
attacks experienced by the civilian population, some, like the United
Kingdom, set up trained units to work in the field of civildefence,
assisting those injured or rendered homeless because of air raids
Thousands of people died in Rotterdam during the Second World War in more than
300 German and Allied bombardments. Civil defence measures had been taken before
the German invasion of the Netherlands in May 1940 and these efforts were
intensified during the country’s occupation as Allied bombers attacked
Rotterdam’s port, factories, dry docks and oil terminals. Residential
neighbourhoods were also hit through imprecise targeting and by misfired flak
grenades. Inadequate air raid shelters and people’s reluctance to enter
them caused many casualties. The condition of the corpses and their post-mortem
treatment was thus co-constituted by the relationship between the victims and
their material circumstances. This article concludes that an understanding of
the treatment of the dead after war, genocide and mass violence must pay
systematic attention to the materiality of death because the condition,
collection and handling of human remains is affected by the material means that
impacted on the victims.
A Framework for Measuring Effectiveness in Humanitarian Response
Vincenzo Bollettino and Birthe Anders
civil–military coordination, whereas many others focus on outlining shortfalls and problems of current civil–military engagement only.
Several authors specifically discuss guidelines on civil–military engagement, including the Oslo Guidelines (for natural disaster) and the Guidelines on the Use of Military and CivilDefence Assets (for use in complex emergencies), as well as country-specific guidelines or the lack thereof ( Madiwale and Virk, 2011 ; Bollettino, 2016 ; Svoboda, 2014 ; Haysom and Jackson, 2014 ). Lloyd and Van Dyk (2007) provide interesting
It has been accepted since antiquity that some restraint should be observed during armed conflict. This book examines the apparent dichotomy and introduces any study of the law of armed conflict by considering the nature and legality of war. The purpose of what is known as the law of armed conflict or, more commonly, the law of war is to reduce the horrors inherent therein to the greatest extent possible, bearing in mind the political purpose for which the war is fought, namely to achieve one's policies over one's enemies. The discussion on the history and sources of the law of armed conflict pays most attention to warfare on land because that is the region for which most agreements have been drawn up, although attention has been accorded to both aerial and naval warfare where it has been considered necessary. Traditionally, international law was divided into the law of war and the law of peace, with no intermediate stage between. Although diplomatic relations between belligerents are normally severed once a conflict has commenced, there remain a number of issues, not all of which are concerned with their inter-belligerent relations, which require them to remain in contact. War crimes are violations of the and customs of the law of armed conflict and are punishable whether committed by combatants or civilians, including the nationals of neutral states. The book also talks about the rights and duties of the Occupying Power, civil defence, branches of international law and prisoners of war.
An ex-Trident submarine captain considers the evolution of UK nuclear deterrence policy and the implications of a previously unacknowledged, enduring aversion to military strategies that threaten civilian casualties. This book draws on extensive archival research to provide a uniquely concise synthesis of factors affecting British nuclear policy decision-making, and draws parallels between government debates about reprisals for First World War Zeppelin raids on London, the strategic bombing raids of the Second World War and the development of the nuclear deterrent to continuous at-sea deterrence, through the end of the Cold War and the announcement of the Dreadnought programme. It develops the idea that, in a supreme emergency, a breach of otherwise inviolable moral rules might be excused, but never justified, in order to prevent a greater moral catastrophe; and it explores the related ethical concept of dirty hands – when a moral actor faces a choice between two inevitable actions, mutually exclusive but both reprehensible. It concludes that, amongst all the technical factors, government aversion to be seen to condone civilian casualties has inhibited government engagement with the public on deterrence strategy since 1915 and, uniquely among nuclear weapon states, successive British governments have been coy about discussing nuclear deterrence policy publicly because they feared to expose the complexity of the moral reasoning behind the policy, a reticence exacerbated by the tendency of policy and media investigation to be reduced to simplistic soundbites.
Architectures of survival investigates the relationship between air war and urbanism in modern Britain and asks how the development of airpower and the targeting of cities influenced perceptions of urban spaces and visions of urban futures. The book brings together a diverse range of source materials to highlight the connections between practices of warfare and urbanism in the twentieth century. It covers the interwar period, the Second World War and the early Cold War to demonstrate how airpower created a permanent threat to cities. It considers how architects, town planners and government officials reframed bombing as an ongoing urban problem, rather than one contingent to a particular conflict, and details how the constant threat of air raids prompted planning for defence and planning for development to become increasingly entangled. The book highlights the relevance of war and the anticipation of war in modern urban history and argues that the designation of cities as targets has had long-lasting consequences. It addresses militarisation in modern Britain by investigating how air war became incorporated into civilian debates about the future of cities and infrastructure, and vulnerability to air raids was projected onto the mundane material culture of everyday urban life.
The Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament, the Labour Party and civil defence in the 1980s
Protest and survive
The Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament, the Labour
Party and civildefence in the 1980s
Against the backdrop of increasing public anxiety surrounding the British
ownership and potential use of nuclear weapons following three British
nuclear tests in 1957, a group emerged to coordinate the anti-nuclear movement
in Britain. The genesis and development of the Campaign for Nuclear
Disarmament (CND) ran parallel with both the emergence of civildefence
as a political concern in Britain and the question of unilateral nuclear
preparations being made in civildefence during the early
1960s. From its very inception, The War Game was potentially
contentious, politically; it set out to depict on television the aftermath of nuclear war in
a way that directly challenged the official view.
Inherently pacifist, Watkins was perturbed by the lack of public information
and understanding of the nature of nuclear war, and by the government claims about the
effectiveness of preparations being made for civildefence within the United Kingdom. This is
defence and the Cold War have tended to distinguish between the period before and after the hydrogen bomb. The
period between 1945 and 1952, when Britain exploded an atomic
device soon followed by the first hydrogen bomb test conducted by
the US, was crucial to setting the terms for an imagined future war.
Civildefence analysts in this period superimposed pictures of imagined war onto British cities, while plans for reconstruction were
drawn by town planners and architects. In both cases, urban spaces
were being reconfigured as military and civilian understandings of
Humanitarian diplomacy and the cultures of appeasement in
to why national charities evolved very similarly all across wartime Europe’, with the British and the German national Red Cross societies at the fore of these exchanges. 6 These dynamics continued into the interwar period, where attempts were made to formalise protocols for the treatment of prisoners of war that had arisen in the First World War, but also, by the 1930s, to consider the protection of the civilian, both in terms of potential revisions to the Geneva Conventions and in terms of the role of national Red Cross societies in civildefence preparations