For women writers, the decades of the English Civil War were of special importance. This book presents a complex and rewarding poetic culture that is both uniquely women-centred and integrally connected to the male canonical poetry. It brings together extensive selections of poetry by the five most prolific and prominent women poets of the English Civil War: Anne Bradstreet, Hester Pulter, Margaret Cavendish, Katherine Philips, and Lucy Hutchinson. All these five women were attracting new and concerted attention as poets by seventeenth-century women. Bradstreet's poems first appeared in The Tenth Muse Lately Sprung up in America, and the later volume of Several Poemsincluded revised texts of those poems and several new ones. Each version of the poems spoke more directly on the context of the English Civil War. Pulter's poems construe Broadfield as a place of unwelcome isolation: she describes herself as 'shut up in a country grange', 'tied to one habitation', and 'buried, thus, alive'. Philips's poetry was first printed in 1664, her state-political poems, on members of the royal family and events of the Civil War, Interregnum, and Restoration, suggest Philips as a poet writing on matters of political significance. Cavendish's two major editions of Poems and Fancies in 1653 and 1664 each have strongly competing claims both to textual authority and to the more resonant political moment. Across poetry and prose, print and manuscript, Hutchinson's writing bears the marks of her fervent hostility to corrupt rulers and her remarkably broad education, adventurous reading habits, and energetic intellect.
Civilwars in Georgia: corruption
Pavel K. Baev
incredibly rich and uniquely complicated case for the
analysis of modern civilwars. It is a newly independent state that appeared
with the collapse of the USSR, but it also has a long history of statehood. It
is a relatively small state, but it occupies a key geopolitical crossroads which has
acquired strategic importance with the new development of hydrocarbon
resources in the Caspian area. Its population is small and declining but the ethnic
Battlefields, burials and the English CivilWars
Battlefields, burials and the
he idea that ‘military care’ extends beyond death to the treatment of the
war dead is not new, though the forms it has taken have varied over time.
Roger Boyle’s 1677 military treatise advised a victorious general to look after
the wounded and prisoners, and see ‘his Dead honourably buried’. Similar
ideas can be found in a number of sixteenth-century military manuals, and
can be traced back at least as far as the Graeco-Roman world.1
The English CivilWar (1642-6)
The increasing involvement of the public in both politics and
warfare since the Reformation partly reflected and partly caused
the growth of propaganda. In England in the 1640s it exploded
into full scale civilwar, or the Great Rebellion as it was known.
Professor Kamen again:
The situation had to be faced: revolutionary propaganda was more than
an exercise in persuasion; it frequently reflected genuine popular attitudes,
it was committed not to the support of established parties but to the
questioning of all authority
Democratic and Republican Party candidates, Barack Obama and John McCain, both listed For Whom the Bell Tolls among their favourite novels, their literary tastes highlighting the enduring appeal of Ernest Hemingway’s Spanish CivilWar epic, at least in the US. (Keller, 2008 ) The novel was first published in 1940, and Paramount Pictures released a cinema adaptation in 1943. An analysis of the film and its transition from page to screen forms the main part of this chapter. 1 As background to this analysis, and in order to highlight the changing nature of US cinematic
The advent of the CivilWar in 1642 saw all restrictions lifted from the printing presses and a wealth of popular political material appeared as the variety of factions that started to develop – Presbyterians, Levellers, Diggers, Royalists, Anabaptists, Quakers, Muggletonians and so on – published their own works free from the fear of censorship.
Central control had disappeared over publishing and, consequently, from the political world. If opposition to the king was more or less united in
Writing a little before 1470, Sir Thomas Malory drew a clear lesson for his own time from the tale of the civilwar between King Arthur and Sir Mordred that destroyed the fellowship of the Round Table:
Lo! you, all Englishmen. See you not what a mischief here was? For he that was the most King and noblest Knight of the world and most loved the fellowship of noble knights and by him they were all upholden, and yet might not these Englishmen hold them content with him. Lo! thus was the old custom and usages of this land, and men say that we of this land
This article considers how the reburial and commemoration of the human remains of the
Republican defeated during the Spanish Civil War (1936–39) is affected by the social,
scientific and political context in which the exhumations occur. Focusing on a particular
case in the southwestern region of Extremadura, it considers how civil society groups
administer reburial acts when a positive identification through DNA typing cannot be
attained. In so doing, the article examines how disparate desires and memories come
together in collective reburial of partially individuated human remains.
Although few would contend that London and its inhabitants were indispensable to parliament’s war effort against King Charles I, the matter remains to be delineated in detail. This book explores how London’s agitators, activists, and propagandists sought to mobilize the metropolis between 1641 and 1645. Rather than simply frame London’s wartime participation from the top down, this book explores mobilization as a series of disparate but structured processes – as efforts and events that created webs of engagement. These webs joined parliamentarian activists to civic authorities, just as they connected parishioners to vestries and preachers, and forced interaction between committees, Common Council, liverymen, and apprentices. The success of any given mobilizing effort – or counter-mobilization, for that matter – varied. Activists adapted their tactics accordingly, meeting their circumstances head-on. Londoners meanwhile heeded the entreaties of preachers and civic leaders alike, signing petitions, donating, and taking to the streets to protest both for and against war. Initially called upon to loan money and fortify the metropolis in 1642–3, Londoners had by 1644 become reluctant lenders and overburdened caretakers for sick and wounded soldiers. Revealed here by way of a wealth of archival and printed sources is the collective story of London’s evolving relationship to the challenges of wartime mobilization, of the evolution of efforts to move money and men, and the popular responses that defined not only parliament’s wartime success, but the arrival of novel financial expedients that gave rise to the New Model Army and eventually became apparatuses of the state.
The parish of Cobham and
he CivilWar reached Cobham in the autumn of 1642, a fortnight after
the armies of king and parliament had met at the battle of Edgehill. As the
king’s field army advanced upon London at the beginning of November, royalist
forces entered Surrey from the west; by 10 November London newsbooks were
reporting that parties of horse had come as far as Cobham, St George’s Hill and
Oatlands and that ‘they plunder all they come by’.1 The king arrived at Oatlands
Palace on 14 November, and spent the next four nights