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Critical reflections on the Celtic Tiger

Sexual images and innuendo have become commonplace in contemporary advertising; they often fail to register in any meaningful way with the audience. This book examines the essentially racist stereotypes through which Irish people have conventionally been regarded have been increasingly challenged and even displaced perhaps by a sequence of rather more complimentary perspectives. The various developments that are signified within the figure of the Celtic Tiger might be considered to have radically altered the field of political possibility in Ireland. The enormous cuts in public expenditure that marked this period are held to have established a desirable, stable macroeconomic environment. The Celtic Tiger shows that one can use the rhetoric about 'social solidarity' while actually implementing policies which increase class polarisation. The book discusses the current hegemonic construction of Ireland as an open, cosmopolitan, multicultural, tourist-friendly society. The two central pieces of legislation which currently shape Irish immigration policy are the 1996 Refugee Act and the Immigration Bill of 1999. The book offers a critical examination of the realities of the Celtic Tiger for Irish women. Processes of nation state formation invariably invoke homogeneous narratives of ethnicity and national identity. To invoke a collective subject of contemporary Ireland rhetorically is to make such a strategic utopian political assumption. For the last few hundred years, the Gaeltacht has exemplified the crisis of Irish modernity. Culture becomes capital, and vice versa, while political action increasingly consists of the struggle to maintain democratic autonomy in the face of global market forces.

Marc James Léger

the most part it is this vision that sustained the communism of the Third and Fourth International. In the postwar period and by the mid-1970s, according to Nicos Poulantzas, a so-called ‘third way’ capitalism was characterised by the augmentation of banking services, commerce and bureaucracy. The growth of unproductive services was related politically to the refutation of Marx’s labour theory of value. 10 Throughout the twentieth century, the growth of an intermediary petty-bourgeois class gradually led to the replacement of class struggle with class polarisation

in Vanguardia
Class polarisation and neo-liberalism in the Irish Republic
Kieran Allen

3 Neither Boston nor Berlin: class polarisation and neo-liberalism in the Irish Republic KIERAN ALLEN The Celtic Tiger is dead. Between 1994 and 2000, real gross domestic product (GDP) in the Republic of Ireland grew at an annual average rate of nine per cent, taking per capita income from sixty-seven to eightysix per cent of the European Union (EU) average by 1999.1 In terms of conventional economics, this would seem to constitute a miracle. Growth rates for most industrial nations were sluggish in the 1990s and even the boom in the United States did not match

in The end of Irish history?
The quest for a great Labour Party
Andrew Gamble

socialism in capitalist industrial societies. It occurred almost universally across Europe, but notably failed to do so in the United States. Many socialists welcomed class polarisation because they saw it as leading to a decisive confrontation which would lead to the displacement of the existing ruling class and its replacement by the representatives of the workers. MacDonald, Ralph Miliband and the left MacDonald and many like him thought that liberalism had done its work. They wanted an independent labour party, committed to a socialist philosophy and a socialist

in Making social democrats
The introduction of ASBOs
Paul Michael Garrett

). 4 Vulgate refers to an ancient Latin version of the Scriptures made by St Jerome and others in the fourth century. References Allen, K. (2003) ‘Neither Boston nor Berlin: class polarisation and neo-liberalism in the Irish Republic’, in C. Coulter and S. Coleman (eds) The End of Irish history? Critical Reflections on the Celtic Tiger , Manchester: Manchester University Press, 56–74. Allen, K. (2009) Ireland’s Economic Crash: A Radical Agenda for Change, Dublin: Liffey Press. Allen, K. (2012) ‘The model pupil who faked the

in Defining events
Daniel Finn

’ bloc was actually smaller as a proportion of the total electorate than it had been for Amsterdam. But it was harder to write off the Lisbon Treaty referendum in 2008, as it brought a sharp increase in the size of the ‘No’ camp: 28 per cent of eligible voters, 53 per cent of votes cast.20 Analysis of the Lisbon result demonstrated the existence of a sharp class polarisation between ‘Yes’ and ‘No’ voters: 64 per cent of ‘AB’ (professional/managerial) voters supported the treaty, while 63 per cent MUP_CoulterNagle_Printer3.indd 249 24/04/2015 16:36 250 Lessons of

in Ireland under austerity
Allison Drew

ENA had already drifted apart, reflecting the Comintern’s new line of class against class. 90 The new line The late 1920s brought signs of an impending economic slump. The Comintern anticipated a capitalist crisis and argued that class polarisation would result. Comintern officials had been criticising the PCF for its alleged right-wing orientation for some time. With the rise

in We are no longer in France
Peter Jones

FINAL PROOF – <STAGE>, 07/29/2013, SPi graft in glasgow 55 schooled in the traditions of civic probity that had been the ideal of the outgoing elite. Further, the new politics was marked increasingly by sectarian strife and class polarisation. Additionally, a deteriorating economic environment intensified competition for scarce public resources, principally council houses, and this was fertile ground for the growth of corruption.4 At the moment when Labour first achieved control of Glasgow Corporation in 1933, seemingly the democratic dividend of the post-1918

in From virtue to venality
Biswamoy Pati

context of Orissa, colonialism reinforced the existing situation through various interventions, but most significantly through the land settlements and the commercialisation of agriculture. One obviously important factor was the sharpening of the caste/class polarisation which had a clear association with the agrarian interventions, irrigation, commercialisation of agriculture (however limited) and an increasing degree of monetisation.20 In fact, a very superficial survey of some of the available land settlement reports of the temporarily settled areas of Cuttack, Puri

in South Asia from the margins
Alison Morgan

PRINT.indd 152 23/04/2018 15:53 ‘Those true sons of Mars’ 153 The premeditated act of having its sabres sharpened suggests a force intent on maiming and killing, its incompetence masking a thirst for blood, the description of the MYC as ‘the local business mafia on horseback’, seemingly apt.17 Poole observes that ‘one local magistrate let slip that “the yeomanry cavalry had previously petitioned to have the honour of making the first charge”’, perhaps due to the pronounced ‘class polarisation (and hatred) found in Manchester’, as suggested by John Belchem.18

in Ballads and songs of Peterloo