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Jane Martin

5 Education and class struggle She advocated for those she represented, the popular control of all schools, non-provided as well as provided; and urged that the schools – elementary, secondary and technical – should be free to all; and that no child should receive education that was in need of food first. As to secular education, she pleaded for this in the interest of justice and expediency. There should be no favour to any one Church in this matter. As to the Bible itself, she would retain that in the schools, side by side with other standard works of

in Making socialists
Andrew Hadfield

Chapter 3 explores the issue of class relations in the Renaissance. Sir Thomas Smith’s De Republica Anglorum (published in 1583) has an elaborate taxonomy of social ranks from those born to govern down to those who cannot rule ‘and yet they be not altogether neglected’. The classification of social strata was applied to literary texts by George Puttenham, indicating that class and literature were connected by contemporary literary theorists and that writers in Renaissance England certainly had the intellectual tools at their disposal to think about class. The chapter explores the economic prospects and social assumptions of a number of writers, most of whom came from the ‘middling sort’, many of whom felt themselves over-educated given their prospects – one reason why they gravitated towards writing. A number of plays are analysed, including Arden of Faversham, which explores the social changes inaugurated by the Reformation and the availability of cheap land; The Shoemaker’s Holiday, which examines fantasies about work and holiday; and Massinger’s A New Way To Pay Old Debts, which laments the destruction of stable social values and the rise of the unscrupulously wealthy under James I. Edmund Spenser demonstrates an acute sense of class status in the Amoretti; Richard Barnfield represents Lady Pecunia, an allegorical representation of wealth. The chapter concludes with an exploration of the career of John Taylor the water poet, a writer whose work expresses the anxieties of uncertain class status and who fashions himself as someone outside social systems, able to speak truth to power.

in Literature and class
Poststructuralism and radical politics
Author: Saul Newman

How do we think about radical politics today, in the wake of the collapse of Marxist-Leninism and the triumph of neo-liberal capitalism? How should radical political theory respond to new challenges posed by globalisation, postmodernity, the ‘war on terror’ and the rise of religious fundamentalism? How are we to take account of the new social movements and political struggles appearing on the global horizon? In addressing these questions, this book explores the theme of universality and its place in radical political theory. It argues that both Marxist politics of class struggle and the postmodern politics of difference have reached their historical and political limits, and that what is needed is a new approach to universality, a new way of thinking about collective politics. By exploring various themes and ideas within poststructuralist and post-Marxist theory, the book develops a new approach to universality — one that has implications for politics today, particularly on questions of power, subjectivity, ethics and democracy. In so doing, it engages in debates with thinkers such as Laclau, Žižek, Badiou and Rancière over the future of radical politics. The book also applies theoretical insights to contemporary events such as the emergence of the anti-globalisation movement, the ‘war on terrorism’, the rise of anti-immigrant racism and the nihilistic violence that lurks at the margins of the political.

Abstract only
Patsy Stoneman

’ because she believed that humane ethical attitudes, rather than blind market forces, should govern social relationships (see also Hopkins, 1931: 60). Mary Barton develops a contrast between two ethical systems, that of the working class, based on caring and co-operation, and that of the middle class, based on ownership, authority and the law. The dichotomy is similar to the conventional gender-role division, and Elizabeth Gaskell has been criticised (e.g. Lucas, l966: 174) for trying evade the question of class-struggle with an inappropriate domestic ethic. She had

in Elizabeth Gaskell
The flesh and blood of self-emancipation
Nina Power

. Nevertheless, as a way of intervening in current debates about the nature and composition of the working class, there is much to be learned from attempting to conceptualise, with the greatest possible respect for his anti-theoreticism, a notion of class from Thompson’s writings. This chapter will attempt to synthesise a concept of class from specific texts by Thompson and to explain why the continuation of Thompson’s project is both relevant and necessary for today’s debates regarding class and class struggle. The problem with theory Thompson was, and with good reason

in E. P. Thompson and English radicalism
Marc James Léger

that can function as regulative ideas, even for subjects themselves. Žižek’s main point of contention with Butler and Laclau, or with the proponents of micropolitical identity struggles, is that they accept capitalism as ‘the only game in town’ and as the basis, the price to pay, for the pursuit of identity agendas. 8 The repression of class politics in the new left mantra of ‘race, class, gender and sexuality’ limits class struggle to the assessment of how it is that capitalism creates sexist and racist oppression. Micropolitics avoids

in Vanguardia
Abstract only
A thousand contradictions
Marc James Léger

From a cultural point of view, class struggle is difficult to fathom when unemployed graduates with low-wage jobs share more or less the same culture as middle and upper-class professionals. 8 Adam Turl, Ares Coffee Riot (Red Mars) , 2016. Acrylic, coffee, sharpie meteorite dust, glitter stickers, photocopies and wheatpaste on canvas, 121.92 x 91.44 cm. Red Mars is part of the 13 Baristas project, a series of works about a group of fictional coffee shop workers and artists living in a socially precarious not

in Vanguardia
Imagining the future Algeria
Allison Drew

commodities’. Acknowledging that such activity could be positive, he nonetheless described it as ‘therapy by hibernation’ and a ‘sleep-cure’. The PCA saw urban working-class struggle as central; Fanon saw it as secondary. The working class in colonised societies help to run the ‘colonial machine’, he argued. By virtue of its relatively privileged position vis-à-vis the impoverished

in We are no longer in France
A lost cause?
Ashley Lavelle

chapter 4 1960s radicals and political defeat: a lost cause? After the 1960s rebellions, hope and resistance soon gave way to despair and retreat: as Mike Davis has observed, the eclipse of this radical period in the US was characterised by downturns in levels of political activity, splits within organisations such as the SDS, mass state repression targeted at the Black Panthers and others, and, most crucially, a steep decline in class struggle (Davis, 1986: 222–3). Tom Hayden recalled the ‘death upon death’ inflicted on the left (Hayden, 1988: 505). Hirschman

in The politics of betrayal
Satnam Virdee

, they developed an Industrial Relations Bill which proposed replacing the collectivist laissez-faire system of industrial relations with a comprehensive legal framework intended to restrict conflict.19 Such increased intervention by the state in employer–labour relations induced a major change in trade union strategy and resulted in a dramatic re-configuration of the class struggle. Many trade union activists and rank and file workers began to recognise that their material interests could no longer be maintained solely through the operation of free collective

in Against the grain