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Making race, class and inequalityin the neoliberal academy

Over half of England's secondary schools are now academies. The social and cultural outcomes prompted by this neoliberal educational model has received less scrutiny. This book draws on original research based at Dreamfields Academy, to show how the accelerated marketization and centralization of education is reproducing raced, classed and gendered inequalities. Urbanderry is a socially and economically mixed borough where poverty and gentrification coexist. The book sketches out the key features of Dreamfields' ethos before reflecting on the historical trajectories that underpin how education, urban space and formations of race, class and gender are discussed in the present. Academies have faced opposition for their lack of democratic accountability as they can set their own labour conditions, deviate from the national curriculum and operate outside local authority control. The book examines the complex stories underlying Dreamfields' glossy veneer of success and shows how students, teachers and parents navigate the everyday demands of Dreamfields' results-driven conveyor belt. It also examines how hierarchies are being reformulated. The book interrogates the social and cultural dimensions of this gift that seeks to graft more 'suitable' forms of capital onto its students. The focus is on the conditions underlying this gift's exchange with children, parents and teachers, remaining conscious of how value is generated from the power, perspective and relationships that create the initial conditions of possibility for exchange. Dreamfields acts as a symbolic and material response to the supposed failures of comprehensive education and public anxieties over the loss of nationhood and prestige of empire.

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Ben Jackson

has been well discussed elsewhere, only in the case of Tawney has there been a specific study of egalitarian themes,5 and there has as yet been no systematic attempt to investigate the overlaps between the ideals of social justice advocated by all three groups.6 This chapter begins my account of their shared egalitarian outlook by considering the Left’s objections to class inequality. Progressive writers and politicians employed a variety of arguments against inequality; by documenting the range of these arguments I will give an initial indication of the character of

in Equality and the British Left
Marc James Léger

There is of course a difference between the ways that capitalists and communists understand class inequality. Whereas for the former, class is an index of two different kinds of people, winners and losers, for the latter class is a permanent contradiction within the matrix of a society based on the capitalist mode of production. According to Marx’s analysis of capital, the falling rates of profit that are due to capitalist competition and monopoly would gradually lead to the weakening and destruction of capitalism as a social system. For

in Vanguardia
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Schooling and the struggle for social change

Education has long been central to the struggle for radical social change. Yet, as social class inequalities sustain and deepen, it is increasingly difficult to conceptualise and understand the possibility for ‘emancipatory’ education. In Radical Childhoods Jessica Gerrard takes up this challenge by theoretically considering how education might contribute to radical social change, alongside an in-depth comparative historical enquiry. Attending to the shifting nature of class, race, and gender relations in British society, this book offers a thoughtful account of two of the most significant community-based schooling initiatives in British history: the Socialist Sunday School (est. 1892) and Black Saturday/Supplementary School (est. 1967) movements. Part I situates Radical Childhoods within contemporary policy and practice contexts, before turning to critical social theory to consider the possibility for ‘emancipatory’ education. Offering detailed analyses of archival material and oral testimony, Parts II and III chronicle the social histories of the Socialist Sunday School and Black Saturday/Supplementary School movements, including their endeavour to create alternative cultures of radical education and their contested relationships to the state and wider socialist and black political movements. Radical Childhoods argues that despite appearing to be on the ‘margins’ of the ‘public sphere’, these schools were important sites of political struggle. In Part IV, Gerrard develops upon Nancy Fraser’s conception of counter-publics to argue for a more reflexive understanding of the role of education in social change, accounting for the shifting boundaries of public struggle, as well as confronting normative (and gendered) notions of ‘what counts’ as political struggle.

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The immigration debate and common anger in dangerous times
Ben Rogaly

Ironically the framing of society as divided between a disaffected working-class (implicitly ‘white’) and a ‘cosmopolitan elite’ is a narrative constructed by writers who are often themselves elite. Chapter 6 challenges the premise of the divisions that they claim to be reporting but in fact frequently promote. It brings together shared histories of mobility and fixity; workplace experiences that produce solidarity across boundaries of ethnic, national, linguistic and faith identities; and struggles for urban citizenship for all residents of a particular place. Being forced to move or stay put is in both cases structured by class inequalities and racisms. As Doreen Massey has argued, this can provide the seeds of ‘common anger’. Moreover, migration is within the experience of people defined as ‘locals’ or ’us’ rather than an action undertaken by a separate category of ‘them’. Yet racisms continue, rooted in colonial history, and promulgated, individually and collectively, by middle-class people and rich elites as well as by some working-class people. Alongside and entangled with such politics, the stories drawn on in this book also collectively portray universal elements of human experience, and thus enable a vision of common humanity that can be a resource for future struggles for equality and justice.

in Stories from a migrant city
Critical ethnography, entrepreneurship education and inequalities
Kirsty Morrin

This chapter draws on research in Milltown Community Academy, a Northern secondary school that houses an ‘entrepreneurship specialism’. Overall, the chapter makes two contributions; firstly, it presents data that evidences retrenched inequality at Milltown Academy, and secondly it makes a methodological case for critical ethnography. Empirically, the chapter examines Milltown Academy’s entrepreneurial agenda in practice. In the academy ‘entrepreneurship education’ is formally embedded in the school’s ethos and curriculum. It is also realised through a ‘real-world’ initiative that allows local and student start-up businesses to operate from within the school building. Throughout, the chapter highlights processes by which ‘race’ and class inequalities are (re)produced in and through these entrepreneurship education practices. Methodologically, data in the chapter are drawn from critical ethnographic research collected at the institution over a year-long period. Bringing together methods and theory, the chapter draws on critical traditions in theories of sociology and education that centre inequality and ‘contradiction’. Specifically, the chapter devises and operationalises a series of ‘contradictions’ it names as ‘keyoxymorons’ to think, research and write through complex, and simultaneous struggles with inequality in the academy school and beyond. For example, the keyoxymoron ‘successful-failure’ is deployed to explore and unpack socio-historic discourses of ‘success’ attached to the academy, while simultaneously illustrating how some of these narratives of ‘success’ work to encompass, distort and ignore ‘failure’.

in Inside the English education lab
Orian Brook
Dave O’Brien
, and
Mark Taylor

and professional group, only about 13% go to classical music, and only 5% of them go to contemporary dance. The numbers of professional and managerial attenders are far larger than for other groups. Yet even for managers and professionals, attendance at these events is still unusual. Social inequalities don’t just consist of class inequalities. This book approaches inequalities in an intersectional way, thinking about other major categories of race and ethnicity, and gender. Figure 4.5 looks at gender. Figure 4.5 Attendance at different events, by gender

in Culture is bad for you
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Non-elite cosmopolitanism in the Brexit era
Ben Rogaly

instead.2 A central argument of this book is that a non-elite cosmopolitan disposition and the acts and practices that flow from that should be listened to rather than dismissed. Moreover, they present a challenge to the often taken-forgranted understanding of Brexit-era England: that the 2016 referendum result was a revolt by people and places that were ‘left behind’ by decades of de-industrialisation and neoliberalism. This over-simplified explanation ignores other ways in which class inequality and racisms contributed, for example through machinations of super

in Stories from a migrant city
Protecting egg donors’ reproductive labour in Kolkata, India
Meghna Mukherjee

, 2003 : 685). Amrita Pande ( 2010, 2011 ), Sharmila Rudrappa ( 2015 ), and Sayantani DasGupta and Shamita Das DasGupta ( 2014 ) allow us to extend the bioavailability framework to third-party reproductive services, such as gestational surrogacy and egg donation (read: selling), as they examine how the deep-seated class inequality between low-income Indian surrogates and wealthier, often foreign, commissioning parents compromises surrogates’ voice in biomedical processes and commercial transactions related to their bodily labour. Unpacking the ethics around

in Birth controlled
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Why does monarchy matter?
Laura Clancy

and family; and how revisiting these historical issues sheds light on processes of division and difference in Britain today. Britain and class inequalities In 2019 the world's richest 26 people owned equivalent wealth to the poorest 3.8 billion, and in 2017 the UK's wealthiest one thousand people owned more wealth than the poorest 40 per cent of households. 16 These growing inequalities leave the poorest worse off, as 1.6 million UK people used a food bank in 2019, and in 2017

in Running the Family Firm