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Manchester’s mixed-genre anthologies and short-story collections
Lynne Pearce

3970 Postcolonial Manchester:Layout 1 28/6/13 12:38 Page 154 4 Collective resistance Manchester’s mixed-genre anthologies and short-story collections Lynne Pearce Along with the crime fiction featured in Chapter 3, the anthology (that is, a multi-authored collection of poetry or prose fiction or – very often – a mixture of both) is the most popular literary genre to emanate from Manchester in recent years.1 Inasmuch as short stories and poems constitute a more manageable undertaking for non-professional writers than the novel, this is hardly surprising, and

in Postcolonial Manchester
Diaspora space and the devolution of literary culture

Postcolonial Manchester offers a radical new perspective on Britain's devolved literary cultures by focusing on Manchester's vibrant, multicultural literary scene. This book presents the North West of England as quintessential 'diaspora space' and contributes to a better understanding of the region in social, cultural and aesthetic terms. It examines the way in which stories, poems and plays set in locales such as 'the Curry Mile' and Moss Side, have attempted to reshape Manchester's collective visions. The book features a broad demographic of authors and texts emanating from different diasporic communities and representing a wide range of religious affiliations. Manchester's black and Asian writers have struggled to achieve recognition within the literary mainstream, partly as a result of exclusion from London-centric, transnational publishing houses. Manchester's unfortunate reputation as one of Britain's 'crime capitals' is analysed by the use of fiction to stretch and complicate more popular explanations. A historical overview of Manchester's literary anthologies is presented through a transition from a writing that paid tribute to political resistance to more complex political statements, and focuses on the short story as a literary mode. The book combines close readings of some of the city's best-known performance poets such as Lemn Sissay and SuAndi with analysis of the literary cultures that have both facilitated and challenged their art. The book affords readers the opportunity to hear many of the chapter authors 'in their own words' by reflecting on how they themselves in terms of the literary mainstream and their identities.

Stuart Hodkinson

as part of a wider collective resistance to the social murder and class robbery of unregulated capitalism. Public SAH.indb 19 30/01/2019 12:44:48 20 Safe as houses housing represented both the partial decommodification of shelter and the protection of residents’ health and safety through a wider system of building regulation and control. These qualities are precisely why this public housing model has been targeted for re-privatisation since the 1970s under neoliberalism and financialised capitalism. The chapter will explain how this neoliberal project has

in Safe as houses
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Private greed, political negligence and housing policy after Grenfell

As the tragedy of the Grenfell Tower fire of 14 June 2017 has slowly revealed a shadowy background of outsourcing and deregulation, and a council turning a blind eye to health and safety concerns, many questions need answers. Stuart Hodkinson has those answers. Safe as Houses weaves together Stuart’s research over the last decade with residents’ groups in council regeneration projects across London to provide the first comprehensive account of how Grenfell happened and how it could easily have happened in multiple locations across the country. It draws on examples of unsafe housing either refurbished or built by private companies under the Private Finance Initiative (PFI) to show both the terrible human consequences of outsourcing and deregulation and how the PFI has enabled developers, banks and investors to profiteer from highly lucrative, taxpayer-funded contracts. The book also provides shocking testimonies of how councils and other public bodies have continuously sided with their private partners, doing everything in their power to ignore, deflect and even silence those who speak out. The book concludes that the only way to end the era of unsafe regeneration and housing provision is to end the disastrous regime of self-regulation. This means strengthening safety laws, creating new enforcement agencies independent of government and industry, and replacing PFI and similar models of outsourcing with a new model of public housing that treats the provision of shelter as ‘a social service’ democratically accountable to its residents.

Bussing, race and urban space, 1960s–80s
Author: Olivier Esteves

In 1960–62, a large number of white autochthonous parents in Southall became very concerned that the sudden influx of largely non-Anglophone Indian immigrant children in local schools would hold back their children’s education. It was primarily to placate such fears that ‘dispersal’ (or ‘bussing’) was introduced in areas such as Southall and Bradford, as well as to promote the integration of mostly Asian children. It consisted in sending busloads of immigrant children to predominantly white suburban schools, in an effort to ‘spread the burden’. This form of social engineering went on until the early 1980s. This book, by mobilising local and national archival material as well as interviews with formerly bussed pupils in the 1960s and 1970s, reveals the extent to which dispersal was a flawed policy, mostly because thousands of Asian pupils were faced with racist bullying on the playgrounds of Ealing, Bradford, etc. It also investigates the debate around dispersal and the integration of immigrant children, e.g. by analysing the way some Local Education Authorities (Birmingham, London) refused to introduce bussing. It studies the various forms that dispersal took in the dozen or so LEAs where it operated. Finally, it studies local mobilisations against dispersal by ethnic associations and individuals. It provides an analysis of debates around ‘ghetto schools’, ‘integration’, ‘separation’, ‘segregation’ where quite often the US serves as a cognitive map to make sense of the English situation.

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‘Out of Ireland, I never shall be happy’
Gavin Wilk

development of ‘Irish-America’ in the early nineteenth century was a gradual process mainly due to the broad dispersal of local communities. Many of the estimated 800,000 to 1,000,000 Irish emigrants who arrived in the US between 1815 and 1845 faced individual hardships, including extreme prejudice derived from nativist sentiment.7 Eventually, the difficulties encountered by them would encourage collective resistance through the formation of trade unions.8 The establishment of the Ancient Order of Hibernians (AOH) in 1836 and this organisation’s commitment to ‘Friendship

in Transatlantic defiance
The state as actor
Ali Riaz

observation is worth keeping in mind. The insistence of the state on changing the way immigrants perceive their identity alienated the ethnic minority community, and they came up with various strategies of resistance. Resistance does not necessarily imply engaging in planned and organized violence, overt opposition, or posing an outright challenge to the state or its policies. We can divide resistance into two broad categories: individual everyday resistance,25 and organized collective resistance. The dynamics, mechanisms, and techniques of everyday forms of resistance are

in Islam and identity politics among British-Bangladeshis
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Joseph Mai

Guédiguian, has turned increasingly to the centre since Mitterrand’s election and supported liberal and neo-​liberal economic policies. As a result, large portions of the working class were completely marginalised, which in turn eroded values such as solidarity, class identity and collective resistance. For Guédiguian, no clear political option opened itself up: he did not cling to the party, did not ‘reform’ himself as a centrist liberal and did not become a socialist. He speaks of many friends and colleagues who became depoliticised (like some of his characters), joined

in Robert Guédiguian
The end of European empires in the Sahara and their legacy
Berny Sèbe

: 88). Efforts to co-opt the Tuareg through political decentralisation failed after a relatively short period (Seely 2001), while recurring economic problems, the complete failure of policies of sedentarisation, due to the fact that former nomads were not offered alternative means of earning their lives, and inter-regional collaboration, which closed possible escape routes, all contributed to making the Tuaregs feel that they were being cornered by hostile forces, often leading to violent rebellions.5 It was against this backdrop that a passive form of collective

in Francophone Africa at fifty
Daniel Conway

disciplinary ways: ‘mandatory conscription contributes to the disguise of ethno-class inequality and to the prevention of collective resistance’ (Sasson-Levy, 2002: 367). Militarisation and particularly war heighten this communal endeavour, especially in republican societies. As will be discussed in chapter 2, South Africa was a profoundly militarised society and by the 1980s was effectively mobilised for and prosecuting warfare. The individual becomes part of a wider whole in times of war: ‘the interplay between self and society comes into sharp focus … when identity

in Masculinities, militarisation and the End Conscription Campaign