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In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.
, animal and human. Wayland Drew’s post-apocalyptic world likewise shows the destruction of innocent children – the result of a big company’s chemical spill – as one inexcusable event along the path to toxifying the entire planet. Other Canadian ecoGothics, such as Shani Mootoo’s The Cereus Blooms at Night (1996), pair sexual and colonial oppression with nature and the destruction of nature, but also
they did the old. La Montagne de Baya historicises Berber struggle by placing it in the context of French colonial oppression and more specifically as a reaction to the confiscation of land from rebel tribes. Although no precise date is given, the setting is the general aftermath of the last major Kabyle revolts in 1871 (see Brahimi 2009 : 90). The villagers’ regular refrain ‘Our land! Our land!’ equates territory with life
the world. Intellectually, it was rooted in a Leninist comprehension of imperialism. Thus, centuries of colonial oppression had 161 ‘Red Ellen’ Wilkinson culminated in imperialism as an all-encompassing policy. This stemmed from the concentration of finance capital and the instrument of the State’s military power to prise open markets and gain access to raw materials. It had thus led to the oppression of colonised peoples and world war because of intensified military competition and no chance of uncontested territorial expansion. This ‘inexcusable logic’ continued
This chapter looks at the black radical claim on Bolshevism through a study of the African-American radical press in the years following the Russian Revolution. In the myriad of articles that engage with Bolshevism, writers and activists of the black left in the US produce political imaginaries which inaugurate a very particular transnational anti-racist class politics. In the pages of the Crusader, the Messenger and Negro World, writers like Cyril Briggs, W.A. Domingo and Claude McKay polemicised against a colour-blind labour movement in the US and against a class-blind black nationalism. They saw in Bolshevism a model which could crack the monolith of white supremacy and colonial oppression. In their celebratory accounts of events in Russia, the African-American radical press insisted on the centrality of black workers as a vanguard of revolutionary struggle.
This chapter explores the moral traditions that have shaped the university with its idealised vision of rational debate by offering a detailed account of the sources, dynamics and consequences of a public debate about the academic boycott of Israel. Showing how this university sought to materialise a liberal model of communication governed by rules of neutral, rational debate and secular norms, I highlight the paradox inherent in this attempt to dramatically perform communicative rationality. The discussion then situates this need to display an idealised image of the university committed to free speech within the context of wider pressures associated with neo-liberalism and securitisation. The final section of the chapter then explores the consequences of the academic boycott event, which fixed participants in rigid, partisan positions. I argue that, in the process of affirming this rationalist self-image, the university disavowed its own historical involvements in colonial oppression and ongoing inequalities, so concealing relationships of power. Bringing my analysis of the dramaturgy of this event together with interview material, I show how this polarised debate repressed and shamed aspects of students’ political commitments which could not be voiced in these terms.
The looking machine calls for the redemption of documentary cinema, exploring the potential and promise of the genre at a time when it appears under increasing threat from reality television, historical re-enactments, designer packaging and corporate authorship. The book consists of a set of essays, each focused on a particular theme derived from the author’s own experience as a filmmaker. It provides a practice-based, critical perspective on the history of documentary, how films evoke space, time and physical sensations, questions of aesthetics, and the intellectual and emotional relationships between filmmakers and their subjects. It is especially concerned with the potential of film to broaden the base of human knowledge, distinct from its expression in written texts. Among its underlying concerns are the political and ethical implications of how films are actually made, and the constraints that may prevent filmmakers from honestly showing what they have seen. While defending the importance of the documentary idea, MacDougall urges us to consider how the form can become a ‘cinema of consciousness’ that more accurately represents the sensory and everyday aspects of human life. Building on his experience bridging anthropology and cinema, he argues that this means resisting the inherent ethnocentrism of both our own society and the societies we film.
called for an end to neo-colonial oppression, Espinosa called for an aesthetic revolution that would ‘enable spectators to transform themselves into agents – not merely more active spectators, but genuine co-authors’, 10 and Glauber Rocha would talk of a cinema that might ‘ultimately make the public aware of its own misery’. 11 Both Rocha and Espinosa would make films that specifically dealt with Latin American postcolonial identity (Rocha was Brazilian, Espinosa Cuban), putting their theories into practice. Their work had a great influence on the exportation of
historical conflicts, colonial oppression and political violence’, in A. Gonzalez-Ruibal & G. Moshenka (ed.), Ethics and the Archaeology of Violence (London: Springer, 2015). 96 José López Mazz 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 J. López Mazz (ed.), ‘Informe de actividades del Grupo de Investigación en Antropología Forense’, Presidencia de la República, 2005; López Mazz & Bracco, Minuanes. López Mazz, ‘Informe de actividades’, 2005. Ibid. Comisión para la Paz, ‘Informe final’. López Mazz, ‘Informe de actividades’, 2005; López Mazz, ‘Informe de actividades’, 2011; López
Binchy, 1993) Whether taken individually or together, these three possibilities can be seen to form a school of thought or a ‘theory’ that reflects many contemporary constructions of Travellers in Ireland. This is the view that Travellers have somehow ‘fallen away’ from a previously sedentary or ‘settled’ existence, one where they were neither ‘outsiders’ nor marginalised within Irish society. The likelihood implied here is that the hand of history has deemed them victims of their own human inadequacy or victims of colonial oppression. The fact that such a derogatory