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sociology underlying his policies, even though beliefs about the dynamics of society are more easily discernible in policy than is any political philosophy. However, farther down the field, the names of philosophers have been mentioned in connection with New Labour, and these philosophers are the subject of this chapter. The philosophy in question is communitarianism –a term
literature on civic humanitarianism and humanitarianism embedded in social practice – with inspiration from relational ethics, such as feminist ethics of care ( Held, 2010 ; Robinson, 2011 ), communitarian or contextualised ethics ( Gouws and van Zyl, 2015 ; Imafidon, 2022 ; Metz, 2013 ; Rapatsa, 2016 ) and decolonial ethics ( Dunford, 2017 ; Hutchings, 2019 ) – we identify four elements of a relational ethics: (1) solidarity, responsibility and justice; (2) identity and belonging; (3
non-European societies. In an African context, polygamous relationships, large extended families and communitarian notions of living in certain communities meant that these household surveys struggled to produce meaningful data. The surveys both under-counted and over-counted, without a proper understanding of which they were doing. This produced data that could compare regions and countries, but the data itself was poor. This drive for comparability is symptomatic of a
This book explores how the contemporary American novel has revived a long literary and political tradition of imagining male friendship as interlinked with the promises and paradoxes of democracy in the United States. In the last decades of the twentieth century, not only novelists but philosophers, critical theorists, and sociologists rediscovered the concept of friendship as a means of scrutinising bonds of national identity. This book reveals how friendship, long exiled from serious political philosophy, returned as a crucial term in late twentieth-century communitarian debates about citizenship, while, at the same time, becoming integral to continental philosophy’s exploration of the roots of democracy, and, in a different guise, to histories of sexuality. Moving innovatively between these disciplines, this important study brings into dialogue the work of authors rarely discussed together – including Philip Roth, Paul Auster, Michael Chabon, Jonathan Lethem, Dinaw Mengestu, and Teju Cole – and advances a compelling new account of the political and intellectual fabric of the contemporary American novel.
The book provides a comprehensive account of work camp movements in Britain before 1939, based on thorough archival research, and on the reminiscences of participants. It starts with their origins in the labour colony movement of the 1880s, and examines the subsequent fate of labour colonies for the unemployed, and their broadening out as disciplined and closed therapeutic communities for such groups as alcoholics, epileptics, tuberculosis sufferers and the ‘feeble-minded’. It goes on to examine utopian colonies, inspired by anarchist, socialist and feminist ideas, and designed to develop the skills and resources needed for a new world. After the Great War, unemployed camps increasingly focused on training for emigration, a movement inspired by notions of a global British national identity, as well as marked by sharp gender divisions. The gender divisions were further enhanced after 1929, when the world economic crisis closed down options for male emigration. A number of anti-industrial movements developed work camps, inspired by pacifist, nationalist or communitarian ideals. Meanwhile, government turned increasingly to work camps as a way of training unemployed men through heavy manual labour. Women by contrast were provided with a domesticating form of training, designed to prepare them for a life in domestic service. The book argues that work camps can be understood primarily as instrumental communities, concerned with reshaping the male body, and reasserting particularistic male identities, while achieving broad social policy and economic policy goals.
lost … should be a major priority for future progress along the Third Way’, 2 while community is one of the four values placed by Tony Blair at the heart of his Third Way. 3 Linked to the idea of community is the doctrine of communitarianism, which appears in a number of forms. The prominent juxtaposition of rights and duties, or rights and responsibilities
Introduction This chapter argues that New Labour did not endorse a communitarian blueprint, but that it used communitarian ideas to revise traditional Labour values. In particular, it argues that the ideas of duty and responsibility defended by communitarianism were used by New Labour to water down the party’s commitment to
Introduction Across a wide range of social commentators there has been little doubt that New Labour is deeply influenced by the thoughts and sentiments of Amitai Etzioni and the new communitarian movement. Prideaux 1 and Heron 2 independently point to the original but persisting concept of ‘stakeholding’ and its emphasis on individuals taking an
develops the ideas behind utopian thinking about the sense of a damaged political system, and the ways in which imagining an ideal might help repair it. It does this, first, by looking at communitarian ideas that locate good within the community and its relationships. These ideas need to grapple with the problem of locating both the good and the political within the same human realm. The first section discusses communitarian approaches and the various ways they attempt to address the problem of the corruption of the good. These tend to reserve the idea of pure good