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Politics and society in Northern Ireland over half a century

After three decades of violence, Northern Ireland has experienced unprecedented peace. It is now generally accepted that the peace accord which ended the Northern Ireland conflict, the 1998 Belfast Agreement, is an exemplar of this trend. This book examines the impact of the 1998 Agreement which halted the violence on the Northern Irish people. It covers changes in public opinion across all areas of society and politics, including elections, education, community relations and national identity. The surveys presented show that despite peace, Protestants and Catholics remain as deeply divided as ever. The book examines the development of the theory of consociationalism and how it has been woven into the intellectual debate about the nature of the Northern Ireland conflict. The role of religion in conflict transformation has emerged as an important issue in Northern Ireland. Ethnonationalism in Northern Ireland is fuelled by its multifaceted and complex nature. The constitutional position of Northern Ireland has been the topic of recurring debate since partition in 1920. The role of education in promoting social cohesion in post-conflict societies is often controversial. The book explores both the nature and extent of victimhood and the main perpetrators of the political violence. The key elements of a consociational approach include a grand coalition representing the main segments of society; proportionality in representation; community (segmental) autonomy; and mutual vetoes on key decisions. The main lesson of peace-making in Northern Ireland is that political reform has to be accompanied by social change across the society as a whole.

Chinua Achebe’s critique of cosmopolitics

chapter10 21/12/04 160 11:25 am Page 160 Postcolonial theoretical politics it. To emphasise the connection of the postal service to an alien system of undemocratic government is, likewise, to condemn it. Whether in its stationary or vehicular expression, postal imperial power is essentially destructive of local community, autonomy and culture, a ‘killer that doesn’t pay back’. As a fixture of the village, it is a visible reminder of autarchic colonial settlement and emblem of African disenfranchisement. And at the same time, as a truck, it expresses the anarchic

in Postcolonial contraventions

other institutions at protecting autonomy, serving as the meta-association that enables other forms of associations. However, today we can query state performance along this metric, too. It is not just in failed states that states are falling short of their obligations to protect. As noted above, autonomy protection by itself doesn't suffice to maintain meaningful community. Autonomy norms are no longer generated by domestic political processes

in Democratic inclusion

traditions—in particular, the collective sharing of the products of hunting, fishing, and gathering, and subsistence farming. The maroons were not only on the run, they were also at war with the English, fighting for their territory and independence. One of the great chiefs of war was Cudjoe, who coordinated the different communities in their struggle against the English from 1729 to 1739. Cudjoe ended the war by signing a peace treaty that guaranteed the maroon communitiesautonomy, hunting and fishing rights, and territorial independence. As occurred elsewhere, the

in Time and memory in reggae music
Autonomy and capacity

administration rather than the issue of self-rule. These analyses indicate that autonomy is not the only issue of concern to territorial actors: they must also devise policy projects to represent the interests of the regional community. Autonomy and capacity As we have seen, traditional conceptions of territorial strategies are concerned with obtaining autonomy from the state. However, a number of scholars have sought to emphasise the dual nature of (autonomous) power relations, which was most notably captured by Isaiah Berlin’s (1969) conception of positive and negative

in Using Europe
The politics of peace

greater collective good. Consociational power sharing: solution or problem? The GFA rested upon three of the four core consociational principles outlined over two decades earlier by Lijphart and supported, albeit with important modifications, by some specialist experts on Northern Ireland.6 It contained power sharing, proportionality in government and mutual veto rights for representatives of both communities. The fourth principle, of community autonomy, by which the culture, religion and M1426 - COULTER TEXT.qxp:GRAHAM Q7 52 17/7/08 08:01 Page 52 Political

in Northern Ireland after the troubles

, this was by no means a coherent, uncontested or resolutely ‘radical’ challenge. The production of radical discourses and practices involved the negotiation, and at times incorporation, of dominant assumptions and practices, including gender relations and notions of ‘respectable’ and productive children. Independence and responsibility Galvanised by the proof of their capability, and sure in the value of their own knowledge creations, the BSS and SSS movements developed a strong ethos of community autonomy. In both cases, organisers and teachers defended the right to

in Radical childhoods
An agenda for change?

more flexible view of decentralisation’ and ‘to deliver on its promises’ in respect of its policy of earned 66 Local democracy, civic engagement and community autonomy’ (House of Commons, 2009a: 63). In evidence to the committee, Paul Carter, Leader of Kent County Council, was broadly supportive of the idea of earned autonomy that recognised the complex nature of the local government landscape. He questioned the efficacy of a ‘one size fits all’ policy. Instead he argued that ‘Government could say to us, there you are, Kent, we like your ideas, we like your

in Local democracy, civic engagement and community