Frédéric Le Marcis, Luisa Enria, Sharon Abramowitz, Almudena-Mari Saez and Sylvain Landry B. Faye
Community engagement is commonly regarded as a crucial entry point for gaining
access and securing trust during humanitarian emergencies. In this article, we
present three case studies of community engagement encounters during the West
African Ebola outbreak. They represent strategies commonly implemented by the
humanitarian response to the epidemic: communication through
comités de veille villageois in Guinea, engagement
with NGO-affiliated community leadership structures in Liberia and indirect
mediation to chiefs in Sierra Leone. These case studies are based on
ethnographic fieldwork carried out before, during and after the outbreak by five
anthropologists involved in the response to Ebola in diverse capacities. Our
goal is to represent and conceptualise the Ebola response as a dynamic
interaction between a response apparatus, local populations and intermediaries,
with uncertain outcomes that were negotiated over time and in response to
changing conditions. Our findings show that community engagement tactics that
are based on fixed notions of legitimacy are unable to respond to the fluidity
of community response environments during emergencies.
Conflict poses considerable challenges for services that support communities, and in particular those affected by violence. This book describes the work undertaken in Omagh against the background of the most recent period of violent conflict in Ireland, and specifically it draws upon the work following the Omagh bombing. The bombing came just four months after the Northern Ireland peace agreement, known formally as the Belfast Agreement of 1998, and more informally as the Good Friday Agreement. The book describes the impact of the bomb and the early responses. Local trade unions, employers and the business community played key roles at times, particularly in underlining the need for solidarity and in identifying themselves with the desire for peace. The book looks at the outcome of needs-assessments undertaken following the Omagh bombing. The efforts to understand the mental health and related impact of the violence associated with the Troubles in Northern Ireland over the period 1969 to 2015 are focused in detail. The later efforts to build services for the benefit of the wider population are described, drawing upon the lessons gained in responding to the Omagh bombing. The developments in therapy, in training and education, and in research and advocacy are described with reference to the work of the Northern Ireland Centre for Trauma and Transformation (NICTT). The book draws together key conclusions about the approaches that could be taken to address mental health and well-being as an essential component of a peace-building project.
Incidences of suspected infanticide were reported on a weekly basis in the latter half of nineteenth-century Ireland. Infanticide cases also reveal much about Irish society and the complex relationships that existed in post-Famine localities. This book is based on a sample of 4,645 suspected cases of infanticide, attempted infant murder and concealment of birth. The book first provides a general overview of the crime of infanticide in the second half of nineteenth-century Ireland, using statistical evidence gleaned from annual returns and the findings. In the case of newborn infants, the men of the coroners' courts had to establish that the infant was born alive and determine that the baby had been murdered. Other than infant murder, the other alternative criminal charges that could be brought on were manslaughter or desertion. Child murder was most frequently associated with puerperal insanity in its three forms: melancholia, depression and mania. The book looks at the attitudes of judges and juries in the Irish courts. It presents four case studies to highlight the response of the police and the attitudes of the community to infanticides and concealment of birth. While some members of the community were only too willing to report their suspicions to the police, others sought to protect the perpetrator from discovery. The press portrayed the female suspect as an object of sympathy as well as the lesser-used representation of an evil mother. The book also traces the lives of several women after their release from prison.
Newspapers, magazines and pamphlets have always been central, almost sacred, forms of communication within Irish republican political culture. While social media is becoming the primary ideological battleground in many democracies, Irish republicanism steadfastly expresses itself in the traditional forms of activist journalism. Shinners, Dissos and Dissenters is a long-term analysis of the development of Irish republican activist media since 1998 and the tumultuous years following the end of the Troubles. It is the first in-depth analysis of the newspapers, magazines and online spaces in which the differing strands of Irish republicanism developed and were articulated during a period where schism and dissent defined a return to violence. Based on an analysis of Irish republican media outlets as well as interviews with the key activists that produced them, this book provides a compelling long-term snapshot of a political ideology in transition. It reveals how Irish Republicanism was moulded by the twin forces of the Northern Ireland Peace Process and the violent internal ideological schism that threatened a return to the ‘bad old days’ of the Troubles. This book is vital for those studying Irish politics and those interestedin activism as it provides new insights into the role that modern activist media forms have played in the ideological development of a 200-year-old political tradition.
Rob became particularly implicated in galvanising his colleagues to write what he
referred to as the ‘communityresponse’. From Rob’s perspective, the missing-rings
hypothesis did not only challenge his work but also all Northern Hemisphere
reconstructions and the entire field of dendrochronology. Shortly after Mann wrote
a post in his blog ‘Real Climate’ announcing the publication of Mann et al. (2012),
Into the woods
Rob wrote a comment (Wilson, 2012b) on behalf of twelve people whose forenames
he included (possibly indicating that Mann knew them
: Routledge, 2003).
19 Ibid., p. xvii.
20 Niall Johnson, Britain and the 1918–
19 Influenza Pandemic: a Dark
Epilogue (Abingdon: Routledge, 2006).
21 Ibid., p. 136.
22 Mark Honigsbaum, Living with Enza (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2009).
23 Elisabeth Engberg, ‘The invisible influenza: Communityresponse to
pandemic influenza in rural northern Sweden 1918–20’, Vária Historia,
xlii, no. 25 (2009), pp. 429–6.
24 Svenn-Erik Mamelund, ‘A socially neutral disease? Individual social class,
household wealth and mortality from Spanish influenza in two socially
the acknowledgement of
S tacking the coffins
disease became unavoidable was there public admission of its existence, with the public, physicians and authorities all reluctant to admit
the presence of such a potentially dangerous intruder. Act II saw the
creation of a framework within which its dismaying arbitrariness can
be managed; he called it ‘Managing randomness’. Act III presented the
public response. For Rosenberg, one of the defining characteristics
of an epidemic was the pressure it generated for decisive and visible communityresponse. Response
Securing or denying minorities’ right to the city?
increasingly emerged as ways for communities to resist neoliberal retrenchment
of the state, challenging neoliberal inequalities especially within marginalised
neighbourhoods (Ghose and Pettygrove, 2014) and for claiming rights to space
for racially and economically marginalised citizens (Staeheli et al., 2002). In fact,
while community gardens have had a long history (Smith and Kurtz, 2003), these
practices have proliferated immensely as a commonplace communityresponse to
neoliberalisation at the local urban scale (Baker, 2004).
On the one hand, community
psychology departments and staff.
Ceremonial and arts-based initiatives exemplified the distinctive
responses by the schools, aided in some places by external support that
had been secured by the education authority (Capewell and Pittman, 1998 ; Pittman, 2000 ).
The wider communityresponse
The team’s focus on the
community and personal health consequences of the bombing formed part
seen, employer paternalism was an
important part of reactive welfare provision for injured miners; so too were
informal communityresponses to accidents, including ad hoc ‘gatherings’ to
help disabled mineworkers get established in other lines of work.75 Charitable
appeals ranged from ingenious efforts on behalf of individuals, such as the
raffle reportedly held in Merthyr Tydfil in April 1857 to ‘enable some unfortunate youth to purchase a wooden leg’, to the impressive disaster-relief funds
assembled in the face of large-scale casualties that threatened to