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The Negro Education Grant and Nonconforming missionary societies in the 1830s
Felicity Jensz

Chapter 1 presents a detailed examination of the Negro Education Grant of the 1830s, which provided ‘religious and moral education’ to the children of emancipated slaves. It analyses the educational landscape in Britain in order to contextualise the debates and discussions that led the instigation of the Negro Education Grant, particularly those debates that focused upon the term ‘liberal and comprehensive’. By focusing upon this term and imbuing it with their own meanings, numerous secretaries of evangelical missionary societies bounded together to assert their position as important partners for the Imperial government to work with to provide schooling to emancipated peoples. Schooling was not the only means by which evangelical missionary groups spread their message; however, it was the most amenable means by which they could collaborate with governments and become part of the colonial structure. The provision of missionary schooling was considered necessary to address the moral vacuum that was perceived to be left when the system of slavery was abolished in British colonies. Through arguing that they were the most apt providers of religious and moral education, Anglicans and Nonconformists increased their own standing in religious circles in Britain as their work was legitimised through collaboration with governments. Tellingly, the debates surrounding the Negro Education Grant did not include voices from those to be instructed under this system, which reflected the broader biases evident with the educational offerings of early nineteenth-century missionary societies towards transposing British educational ideas rather than incorporating local people’s expectations.

in Missionaries and modernity
Making race, class and inequalityin the neoliberal academy
Author: Christy Kulz

Over half of England's secondary schools are now academies. The social and cultural outcomes prompted by this neoliberal educational model has received less scrutiny. This book draws on original research based at Dreamfields Academy, to show how the accelerated marketization and centralization of education is reproducing raced, classed and gendered inequalities. Urbanderry is a socially and economically mixed borough where poverty and gentrification coexist. The book sketches out the key features of Dreamfields' ethos before reflecting on the historical trajectories that underpin how education, urban space and formations of race, class and gender are discussed in the present. Academies have faced opposition for their lack of democratic accountability as they can set their own labour conditions, deviate from the national curriculum and operate outside local authority control. The book examines the complex stories underlying Dreamfields' glossy veneer of success and shows how students, teachers and parents navigate the everyday demands of Dreamfields' results-driven conveyor belt. It also examines how hierarchies are being reformulated. The book interrogates the social and cultural dimensions of this gift that seeks to graft more 'suitable' forms of capital onto its students. The focus is on the conditions underlying this gift's exchange with children, parents and teachers, remaining conscious of how value is generated from the power, perspective and relationships that create the initial conditions of possibility for exchange. Dreamfields acts as a symbolic and material response to the supposed failures of comprehensive education and public anxieties over the loss of nationhood and prestige of empire.

Bussing, race and urban space, 1960s–80s
Author: Olivier Esteves

In 1960–62, a large number of white autochthonous parents in Southall became very concerned that the sudden influx of largely non-Anglophone Indian immigrant children in local schools would hold back their children’s education. It was primarily to placate such fears that ‘dispersal’ (or ‘bussing’) was introduced in areas such as Southall and Bradford, as well as to promote the integration of mostly Asian children. It consisted in sending busloads of immigrant children to predominantly white suburban schools, in an effort to ‘spread the burden’. This form of social engineering went on until the early 1980s. This book, by mobilising local and national archival material as well as interviews with formerly bussed pupils in the 1960s and 1970s, reveals the extent to which dispersal was a flawed policy, mostly because thousands of Asian pupils were faced with racist bullying on the playgrounds of Ealing, Bradford, etc. It also investigates the debate around dispersal and the integration of immigrant children, e.g. by analysing the way some Local Education Authorities (Birmingham, London) refused to introduce bussing. It studies the various forms that dispersal took in the dozen or so LEAs where it operated. Finally, it studies local mobilisations against dispersal by ethnic associations and individuals. It provides an analysis of debates around ‘ghetto schools’, ‘integration’, ‘separation’, ‘segregation’ where quite often the US serves as a cognitive map to make sense of the English situation.

Author: Sara De Vido

The book explores the relationship between violence against women on one hand, and the rights to health and reproductive health on the other. It argues that violation of the right to health is a consequence of violence, and that (state) health policies might be a cause of – or create the conditions for – violence against women. It significantly contributes to feminist and international human rights legal scholarship by conceptualising a new ground-breaking idea, violence against women’s health (VAWH), using the Hippocratic paradigm as the backbone of the analysis. The two dimensions of violence at the core of the book – the horizontal, ‘interpersonal’ dimension and the vertical ‘state policies’ dimension – are investigated through around 70 decisions of domestic, regional and international judicial or quasi-judicial bodies (the anamnesis). The concept of VAWH, drawn from the anamnesis, enriches the traditional concept of violence against women with a human rights-based approach to autonomy and a reflection on the pervasiveness of patterns of discrimination (diagnosis). VAWH as theorised in the book allows the reconceptualisation of states’ obligations in an innovative way, by identifying for both dimensions obligations of result, due diligence obligations, and obligations to progressively take steps (treatment). The book eventually asks whether it is not international law itself that is the ultimate cause of VAWH (prognosis).

Open Access (free)
Neil McNaughton

children with the potential for developing higher skill levels were denied the opportunity to realise their full potential. COMPREHENSIVE EDUCATION The Labour governments of 1945–51 presided over the implementation of the 1944 Butler Act. They believed it did represent progress towards a more egalitarian society and so were content to see how well it would work. While out of office between 1951 and 1964, however, the party watched as the system, in their eyes at least, appeared to fail to achieve its stated aims. Concerns about the effectiveness of tripartism were in

in Understanding British and European political issues
Abstract only
Linnie Blake

in Government (Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave, 2001), pp. 1–31. Suzanne E. Hatty, Masculinities, Violence and Culture. Sage Series on Violence against Women (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 2000), p. 173. It was the Labour Party that had been responsible for the introduction of the Welfare State, including the foundation of the National Health Service (1945–51), the introduction of Comprehensive education (1964–70), the State Earnings Related Pension and universal Child Benefit (1974–79) and the decriminalisation of abortion and homosexuality (1967). Michael Kaufman

in The wounds of nations
Christy Kulz

8 Remaking inequalities in the neoliberal institution Dreamfields Academy acts as a symbolic and material response to the supposed failures of comprehensive education and public anxieties over the loss of nationhood and prestige of empire. It responds to a perceived crisis of authority in urban areas where a racialised and classed cultural disorder is leading young people astray. Culford holds up Dreamfields’ sponsor Andrew Moore and his rags-toriches tale of the working-class boy transformed into self-made millionaire to show that anyone can become anything if

in Factories for learning
Ben Jackson

of equality of opportunity, and his stress on the strong version, provided powerful ammunition for the advocates of comprehensive education. It now seemed that a school system that segregated children from an early age was making a fundamental decision while the child’s intelligence was still nascent, and did not allow time for ‘the beneficial influence of education to compensate for the deficiencies of upbringing and early circumstance’.86 Crosland assumed that regardless of the individual child’s natural endowment or social circumstances, high-quality and lengthy

in Equality and the British Left
Tom Woodin

critics presented as ubiquitous across comprehensive education. 36 Working-class writing and publishing in the late twentieth century Let it flow, Joe! Stepney Words was published in a burst of excitement that is evident in the opening poem, ‘Let it Flow, Joe!’: Let it flow, Joe. Let your feelings speak for you Let the people know what you know Tell the people what it’s all about Shout it out. … Paul Ritchens4 The spontaneity and urgency of the writing opened doors for others. Yet the enthusiasm was blended with feelings of desolation and lack of self

in Working-class writing and publishing in the late twentieth century
Abstract only
Geoff Horn

Labour Party should be kept ‘at a decent distance from the driver’s seat’.8 Likewise, the Daily Telegraph was content to accept ‘the gifts of Mr Prentice’, including his ‘widely esteemed integrity’, but felt that he was too wedded to the old collectivist politics through his continued support for comprehensive education, an incomes policy and greater funding for overseas aid: ‘In truth he still has much more in common with Mrs Shirley Williams than either has with Mrs Thatcher.’9 The sceptical reaction of the right-wing press provided the first hints that Prentice

in Crossing the floor