Catherine Moury, Stella Ladi, Daniel Cardoso, and Angie Gago
Transactions in place in September 2012 (Van Der Heijden et al. , 2018 see Introduction).
These circumstances forced some EU countries to respond to implicit and explicit conditionality. Implicit conditionality , which is ‘based on an implicit understanding of the stakes and sanctions involved, underlain by some measure of power asymmetry’ (Sacchi, 2018 , p. 1) was exercised, for example, by the European Central Bank when it warned Italy and Spain to stop buying government bonds unless they pursued reforms (Bosco and Verney, 2012 , p. 138; Lütz et
European Union accession conditionality
and human rights in Romania
The Commission has no competence to monitor prisons in the Member States
and then it starts becoming difficult if you start monitoring things externally for
which you don’t have an internal mandate. And I know that Member State X can
say ‘well Commission, why are you looking so strenuously into those prison conditions in these candidate countries when we are not really sure you should?’
The end of the Cold War afforded the former communist states with the
This paper provides a critical analysis of post-humanitarianism with reference to adaptive
design. At a time when precarity has become a global phenomenon, the design principle has
sidelined the need for, or even the possibility of, political change. Rather than working to
eliminate precarity, post-humanitarianism is implicated in its reproduction and governance.
Central here is a historic change in how the human condition is understood. The rational
Homo economicus of modernism has been replaced by progressive
neoliberalism’s cognitively challenged and necessarily ignorant Homo
inscius. Solidarity with the vulnerable has given way to conditional empathy. Rather
than structural outcomes to be protected against, not only are humanitarian crises now seen as
unavoidable, they have become positively developmental. Post-humanitarianism no longer provides
material assistance – its aim is to change the behaviour of the precariat in order to
optimise its social reproduction. Together with the construction of logistical mega-corridors,
this process is part of late-capitalism’s incorporation of the vast informal economies
of the global South. Building on progressive neoliberalism’s antipathy towards formal
structures and professional standards, through a combination of behavioural economics,
cognitive manipulation and smart technology, post-humanitarianism is actively involved in the
elimination of the very power to resist.
Why Building Back Better Means More than Structural Safety
It is evident from the Philippines example that an approach that prioritised Build Back Safer over other aspects of a good house would not have been at all appropriate in these Tacloban barangays. A superficial assessment by a recently arrived team of shelter practitioners might understandably see safety as the main priority; however, it is clear that the perception of the residents is quite different.
A reflection of the humanitarian shelter sector’s somewhat myopic insistence on ‘safety’ being the single most important issue can be seen in the conditionality
possibility now existed
permanently for sovereignty to become conditional on international normative approval lies at
the root of much of the hubris of the last two decades (despite the fact that anchoring it all
was the US, which refused steadfastly to qualify its sovereignty). Sovereignty is the
foundational norm of ‘the political’ in the international system, and to demand
sovereignty is overruled to achieve a normative end is a high-risk and usually doomed activity
unless two conditions hold: one, a great power is willing to back the demand
June , www.rescue-uk.org/press-release/irc-statement
Jennings , K.
M. ( 2019 ),
‘ Conditional Protection? Sex, Gender, and Discourse in
UN Peacekeeping ’, International Studies
Quarterly , 63 : 1 ,
30 – 42 .
Lessons Learned for Engagement in Fragile and Conflict-Affected States
– whether bilateral, multilateral or through pooled funds – should be dependent on at least bi-annual (twice yearly) updates of events on the ground’ ( 2010 : xxi) to ensure effective resource utilisation. Conditional modalities need to be carefully considered, as some ways of working (e.g. payment for results) may not be suitable or have negative, unintended consequences ( Clist and Dercon, 2014 ). In recognising uncertainty and complexity in the South Sudanese context, and the probability of non-linear outcomes, donors should encourage an on-going open dialogue with
Since 2010, five Eurozone governments in economic difficulty have received assistance from international lenders on condition that certain policies specified in the Memoranda of Understanding were implemented. How did negotiations take place in this context? What room for manoeuvre did the governments of these countries have? After conditionality, to what extent were governments willing and able to roll back changes imposed on them by the international lenders? Do we find variation across governments, and, if so, why? This book addresses these questions. It explores the constraints on national executives in the five bailed out countries of the Eurozone during and beyond the crisis (2008–2019). The book’s principal idea is that, despite international market pressure and creditors’ conditionality, governments had some room for manoeuvre during a bailout and were able to advocate, resist, shape or roll back some of the policies demanded by external actors. Under certain circumstances, domestic actors were also able to exploit the constraint of conditionality to their own advantage. The book additionally shows that after a bailout programme governments could use their discretion to reverse measures in order to attain the greatest benefits at a lower cost. It finally explores the determinants of bargaining leverage – and stresses the importance of credibility.
This book is about the relationship between societies and their instruments of coercion at times of great political and societal change. It traces the scholarly and policy origins of the security sector reform concept, locating its recent rise to prominence in earlier debates about development, security and civil-military relations. The book takes a comparative approach to the concept and policy of security sector reform in transforming societies. It examines the security sector reform experiences of two paired case studies, Croatia and Serbia-Montenegro, through a systematic analytical framework. The book then analyses security sector reform at the political level, the organisational level and the international level in each country. It discusses the political legacy and the organisational legacy of the 1990s in each country. The book analyses the various strategies that international actors have used to try and encourage security sector reform in the two countries, including the provision of reform assistance programmes, and the application of pre- and direct conditionality. It traces how the reform process has impacted on issues of role, force structure, expertise and responsibility in the security sector itself. Finally, the book draws out a series of more generic conclusions regarding the security sector reform concept as a whole and its relationship to wider processes of political and societal transformation.
Six things you should know about Eurozone bailouts
Catherine Moury, Stella Ladi, Daniel Cardoso, and Angie Gago
At the time of writing (mid-April 2020), the world is facing the new public health and economic challenges posed by the spread of COVID-19. This new crisis has understandably been attracting a lot of attention. In our view, our book contributes to this debate as it helps identify lessons to be drawn from the last crisis on the designing of EU economic responses and the pros and cons of conditionality.
In this last chapter, we summarise our main conclusions in light of the comparison between different countries and stress