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The impossibility of reason
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This book presents an overview of Jean–Jacques Rousseau's work from a political science perspective. Was Rousseau — the great theorist of the French Revolution—really a conservative? The text argues that the author of ‘The Social Contract’ was a constitutionalist much closer to Madison, Montesquieu, and Locke than to revolutionaries. Outlining his profound opposition to Godless materialism and revolutionary change, this book finds parallels between Rousseau and Burke, as well as showing that Rousseau developed the first modern theory of nationalism. It presents an integrated political analysis of Rousseau's educational, ethical, religious and political writings.

Rousseau as a constitutionalist
Mads Qvortrup

3 Checks, balances and popular participation: Rousseau as a constitutionalist The liberty of the whole of humanity did not justify the shedding of blood of a single man. (Jean-Jacques Rousseau, L. 5450) Rousseau’s denunciation of violence as a means to an end, in his letter to the Countess of Wartesleben, is in stark contrast to the picture painted of him by his adversaries (see the previous chapter). While it is generally acknowledged that J.L. Talmon (1952) was unduly one-sided (HampsherMonk 1995) when accusing Rousseau’s ‘Jacobin’ philosophy for requiring

in The political philosophy of Jean-Jacques Rousseau
Alun Wyburn-Powell

between the failure of fusion in 1920 and the 1924 election had therefore seen the former Coalition Liberals Waring, Martin, Evans and Philipson in ambiguous political positions, not entirely of their own making. The 1924 election, the first fought after the Liberals had allowed Labour their first taste of office, saw a more numerous band of former Liberals deliberately choosing to perch precariously between the Conservative and Liberal Parties. Constitutionalists The term Constitutionalist gained prominence in 1924, when it was used, most famously, by Churchill, but

in Defectors and the Liberal Party 1910–2010
Úna Newell

approached by the Farmers’ Party to run in the election on its behalf, but he declined. On 2 July, a month before the election, and worn down, he wrote again to de Valera declaring that he 32 Conflict was ‘sick of politics’ and that he believed he could do better work for Ireland in the Gaelic League.40 By August, however, he was less morose and threw his weight behind the republican campaign. Cumann na nGaedheal, the newly constituted pro-treaty Sinn Féin party, painted the August election as a contest between the constitutionalists and the militarists; a choice

in The west must wait
Abstract only
Shashi Tharoor

merely to serve. 5 The dignity of his people mattered enormously to Ambedkar, as did their capacity for self-respect. ‘Learn to live in this world with self-respect,’ Ambedkar had told young Dalits in Bombay, and he embodied that dictum in his own life. AMBEDKAR THE CONSTITUTIONALIST Ambedkar was principally known in his lifetime as a fighter for Dalit empowerment, but his first and foremost legacy to the nation was as a constitutionalist, the principal author of the

in B. R. Ambedkar
Abstract only
Clemence’s resistance, Asquith’s betrayal
Jill Liddington

quickly immersed themselves in staging the next spectacle: the Women’s Coronation procession on Saturday 17 June. The WFL, headed by Charlotte Despard, marched seven abreast; they were followed by WFL’s new ‘Census Protest Banner’.11 The WSPU was similarly strongly represented, the NUWSS agreed to participate and even Pippa Strachey’s LSWS came round. In all, forty thousand women marched together, constitutionalists and militants alike, joined in a spirit of optimistic and determined co-­operation.12 Rather than the recent ‘battle for the census’ differences, this

in Vanishing for the vote
Abstract only
Alexandra Gajda
and
Paul Cavill

. Parliament’s status as the one occasion at which the whole realm was present (in person or by proxy) came to matter more. Studies of representation in figurative and metaphorical senses should complement this primary meaning of embodied comprehensiveness.148 But parliament shaped, as well as reflected, cultural and intellectual developments: the constitutionalist mode of thinking so dominant at the end of our period grew in considerable measure out of the interaction of history, law and politics in, around and about parliament. The collection thus restates the crucial role

in Writing the history of parliament in Tudor and early Stuart England
Matt Qvortrup

the influence of the press on the outcome of elections. Part II concludes with an excursus on the powers of members of Parliament (MPs). Traditional political thinking in the UK – and related countries such as Australia, New Zealand and Canada – has always maintained that British democracy, in the words of the constitutionalist L.S. Amery (1964, 1), is one of ‘government of the people, for the people, with, but not by the people’. It follows from this ideal of representative government that Parliament is a strong institution which, it is supposed, can hold the

in The politics of participation
Alun Wyburn-Powell

Lib First defection Sep 1936 Sep 1936 Feb 1937 Oct 1938 1938 Sep 1942 May 1945 Aug 1945 Oct 1946 Jun 1948 Feb 1951 Jan 1952 Jul 1956 Jul 1956 1962 Mar 1971 Feb 1989 1996 Apr 1997 Apr 2005 Subsequent defections Lib Nat Lab Ind Lib Lib Nat Lib Nat C Wealth Lab Con Ind Lib Lab Con Lab Lab Lab Ind Con Ind Lib Lab Ind Lab Defection to Labour Defection to Conservatives Defection to National Party of Scotland Defection to Communist Party Constitutionalist Return to Liberals Lib Nat New Bott C Wealth Nat Lab Ind 1945 1947 Con Lab 1947 Lab 1974 Ind 2007 Lib 1955

in Defectors and the Liberal Party 1910–2010
Open Access (free)
Sovereignty and registration of the laws
John J. Hurt

parlements court, copied them into folio registers and sent them in printed form to subordinate law courts. But the parlements claimed that registration involved more than this minimalist procedure.They argued that in registering the laws, they also validated them, bestowing a seal of approval and conferring public standing.3 A school of sixteenth-century legal scholars, known as ‘constitutionalists’, associated themselves with this premise. Like ‘absolutist’ theorists, with whom they shared many ideas and values, constitutionalists accepted that the kings held absolute

in Louis XIV and the parlements