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This book examines the impact of Civil Rights, Black Power, the student, feminist and sexual-liberty movements on conceptualism and its legacies in the United States between the late 1960s and the 1990s. It focuses on the turn to political reference in practices originally concerned with abstract ideas. The book traces key strategies in contemporary art to the reciprocal influences of conceptualism and identity politics. The central concept is a reversal of the qualitative assessment made by artist and theorist Joseph Kosuth in 1969. The book overviews the 1960s-1970s shift from disciplinary-based Conceptual Art to an interdisciplinary conceptualism, crediting the influence of contemporaneous politics dominated by identity and issue-based politics. It offers a survey of Adrian Piper's early work, her analytic conceptual investigations, and her transition to a synthetic mode of working with explicit political reference. The book explores how Conceptual Art is political art, analysing several works by synthetic proposition artists. It then surveys several key 1980s events and exhibitions before taking in depth the 1993 Whitney Biennial as its central case study for understanding the debates of the 1980s and the 1990s. Examining the ways in which Hans Haacke's work referenced political subject matter, simultaneously changing the conception of the processes and roles of art-making and art, the book argues against critics who regarded his work to be "about" politics. It also looks at the works of Charles Gaines, David Hammons, Renée Green, Mary Kelly, Martha Rosler, Silvia Kolbowski, Daniel Joseph Martinez, Lorna Simpson, and Andrea Fraser.
-economic coordinates, relating the blankness of the page in reference to the canvas as a space for artistic expression, and many forms of meta-discussion both of the work itself and contemporaneous politics. For example, one entry reads: Artists who are truly concerned w/ merging art + life in a meaningful way should refrain from participating in official exhibits. Rather they Should unify to occupy oppressive art institutions + return them to the People. W/out life there is no art. W/out people there is no life.45 Adrian Piper, Context #7, 1970. 7 black notebooks, ink, graphite
, or when referring to both.3 Within this expanding chronicle characteristic trajectories have gradually been defined from broader methodological and geographical perspectives.4 This chapter shows how, in the United States’ context, some of the most important strategies of conceptualism developed through the influence of contemporaneous politics, more specifically the transition from Civil Rights into Black Power, the New Left, the anti-war movement, feminism, and gay liberation, as well as what later came to be 1 28 The synthetic proposition collectively named
particular ways as this study has outlined. After The Clash, and with the dissolution of punk as a social movement, Strummer continued to provide leadership for radicals, but this became more of an individual, fragmented and retrospective form where he tended to be less of a creator of radical social forces and more of a reflector-cum-sustainer of those forces. Thus, it was not a case of a social movement creating the context in which his music could assume such a contemporaneous political role. Recalling Street ( 2001: 247, 2012 : 1), music can be not just the vehicle for
harmony. Furthermore, whether he is the product of early modern Germany and England, or of the Jewish community extant within a Christian Europe, it can be argued that the Fool also challenges his contemporaneous political and social structures. One can thus evaluate the impact of a performance of Comedie von der Königen Esther und Hoffärtigen Haman at the court of Duke Philipp Julius at Wolgast (northern Germany), from which it was most probably transcribed by the German lawyer and historian Friedrich Menius. 68
popular culture and its relationship to debates over the historical process, before proceeding to analyse the use of ghosts in this specific film. The chapter then examines the cyclical view of history represented in the film, before charting the film’s journey from its original setting during the Mexican Revolution to the Spanish Civil War, and analysing del Toro’s appropriation of cinematic styles. The chapter concludes by reading this film against contemporaneous political processes in Spain. Ghosts and the past In a well-known statement outlining his views on
multiplied many times. They reveal the extent to which scientific ideas were deeply embedded in imperial rule: they were not an independent lever externally brought to bear on contemporaneous political and economic events. If the natural sciences were inextricably entwined with imperialism, it remains to discuss how this symbiosis can be interpreted. Some historians of science have been concerned with the
rather than of sovereignty. The distinction is suggested by the sources. In their appeals to the king of Spain, O’Neill and O’Donnell seem to have been engaged not in radical rethinking of, or alteration to notions of, sovereignty but rather in the deployment of stable sovereign claims towards the goal of establishing more congenial political realities for themselves. These heads of ancient dynasties may have viewed the contemporaneous political landscape with alarm, but they were in no doubt about their perpetual
was clearly influenced by these developments. 37 Throughout the book, Zinn maintained that his interpretation of the American past would only be productive if it pointed to new forms of social action in the present. Indeed, it was in the final chapter of A People’s History , entitled “The Coming Revolt of the Guards,” that he most fully engaged with contemporaneous political questions. There, he argued that the key statistic for understanding contemporary society was that “one per cent of the nation owns a third of the wealth.” However, in suggesting that the
people to singularly honor the dead, join with the bereaved, and so publically show our unshakable desire for atonement.’21 The ceremonies surrounding the exhumation of the Alsatians’ bodies and their reburial reflected elements of the changing contemporaneous political transition in Baden. On the surface there might appear to exist a significant difference in importance between Baden’s first state elections and the call to articulate and enact remorse for the National Socialist atrocity against the eleven Alsatians. Yet at their root, both events reflected the common