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directed from the outside. 12 The representation of neo-colonialism through the espousing of modernisation theory is apparent in all the images produced by corporate firms during the 1950s and early 1960s. Dominant representations Four particular types of imagery dominate corporate advertising during this period. The first could
We live in an age in which advertising is part of the fabric of our lives. Advertising in its modern form largely has its origins in the later nineteenth century. This book is the first to provide a historical survey of images of black people in advertising during the colonial period. It highlights the way in which racist representations continually developed and shifted throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, depending on the particular political and economic interests of the producers of these images. The book analyses the various conflicting, and changing ideologies of colonialism and racism in British advertising, revealing reveal the purposes to which these images of dehumanisation and exploitation were employed. The first part deals with images of Africa, the second deals with images of black people in the West, and the third considers questions relating to issues about images and social representations in general. The Eurocentric image of the 'savage' and 'heathen', the period of slavery, European exploration and missionary activity, as well as the colonisation of Africa in the nineteenth century are explored. Representations of the servant, the entertainer, and the exotic man or woman with a rampant sexuality are also presented. The key strategy with which images of black people from the colonial period have been considered is that of stereotyping. The material interests of soap manufacturers, cocoa manufacturers, tea advertising, and tobacco advertising are discussed. The book explains the four particular types of imagery dominate corporate advertising during the 1950s and early 1960s.
Madchester may have been born at the Haçienda in the summer of 1988, but the city had been in creative ferment for almost a decade prior to the rise of Acid House. The End-of-the-Century Party is the definitive account of a generational shift in popular music and youth culture, what it meant and what it led to. First published right after the Second Summer of Love, it tells the story of the transition from New Pop to the Political Pop of the mid-1980s and its deviant offspring, Post-Political Pop. Resisting contemporary proclamations about the end of youth culture and the rise of a new, right-leaning conformism, the book draws on interviews with DJs, record company bosses, musicians, producers and fans to outline a clear transition in pop thinking, a move from an obsession with style, packaging and synthetic sounds to content, socially conscious lyrics and a new authenticity.
This edition is framed by a prologue by Tara Brabazon, which asks how we can reclaim the spirit, energy and authenticity of Madchester for a post-youth, post-pop generation. It is illustrated with iconic photographs by Kevin Cummins.
within this framework. After all, imperialism was also expressed in and touched by flight itself – by private flying, by airliner journeys, by air and ground crews, by passengers, assistants and spectators, and by the associated travelogues, airfreighting, corporate advertising and iconography. Britain’s designated imperial flagship civil airline was conceived during the world’s first air war, and was
of the 1920s from the purview of social contestation, focusing on three: the dark and beautiful Marseille port masterpiece Cœur fidèle (1923); the rejection of high birth for the barge life in La Belle Nivernaise (1924); and a working-class mother in mourning struggling against corporate advertising in L’Affiche (1924). Chapter 3 turns to Epstein’s technological, corporeal, and psychosexual view of cinema. This will point us in two seemingly opposite directions: the non-human nature of the gaze and intelligence of the apparatus, and the corporeal affects they
Âcomplex– Âand certainly, more modern– ÂBritish film culture of the 1930s than the one constructed by Grierson in his subsequent writings, and rhetoric. BoxesÂ/letters
 Lye’s commitment to a modernist rendering of animation and documentary forms is apparent, for example, in his deft integration of corporate advertising captions and slogans into each of his GPO films. For example, A Colour Box informs its audiences about the price of parcel postage (communication and convenience); Rainbow Dance extols the benefits of a Post Office savings account (banking and leisure
Affairs section had grown to accommodate separate departments for Public Information, Communications, and Radio and Television. Shriver forged close relationships with corporate public relations and advertising agencies. The US government had begun to use corporate advertising agencies during the Second World War, and this became increasingly common as propaganda activities became centralised
: the desire to increase Chinese subscriptions. But Powell relied heavily on American corporate advertising and, more important, relied on the good offices of the American military and consulate to obtain that very scarce and very basic commodity: newsprint. 60 His policies apparently reflected his beliefs. His differences with Gould illustrate the diverse American reactions to the turmoil of the 1940s. Many of the Americans in post-war Shanghai had been there in the 1930s. But the new Shanghai bore little resemblance to the old
methods to be explored as well as the way in which an identity for Empire tea was formed. Tobacco advertising reveals the government’s increasing involvement in pushing commercial companies to support Empire buying, as well as the response of commercial companies to the promotion of Empire. Finally the corporate advertising chapter reveals the interests of developing corporate firms and their anxiety over
Cadillac a decade later (Owen, 2003 : 197). Sampson ( 1999 ) recounts that by the mid-1970s, one could encounter Oscar-winning actor Gregory Peck espousing the merits of Travelers in commercials shown during Masters telecasts. Owen ( 2003 ) hastily points out that, under the direction of Augusta National Chairman Clifford Roberts, Masters organizers were careful not to be held to the whims of corporate advertising. Compared to other programming, few commercials were aired during the Masters, and Roberts stressed