The restructuring of work in Germany

4 Producing flexi-corporatism: the restructuring of work in Germany We support a market economy, not a market society … Modern social democrats want to transform the safety net of entitlements into a springboard to personal responsibility… Part-time work and low-paid work are better than no work… (Tony Blair and Gerhard Schröder, 1999: 1–7) T he positioning of German state-society within the globalisation and restructuring debates is, in itself, highly contested between competing voices and claims. In a neo-liberal reading, evident across international

in Globalisation contested
Neoliberalism, Zombies and the Failure of Free Trade

The popular cultural ubiquity of the zombie in the years following the Second World War is testament to that monster‘s remarkable ability to adapt to the social anxieties of the age. From the red-scare zombie-vampire hybrids of I Am Legend (1954) onwards, the abject alterity of the ambulant dead has been deployed as a means of interrogating everything from the war in Vietnam (Night of the Living Dead, 1968) to the evils of consumerism (Dawn of the Dead, 1978). This essay explores how, in the years since 9/11, those questions of ethnicity and gender, regionality and power that have haunted the zombie narrative since 1968 have come to articulate the social and cultural dislocations wrought by free-market economics and the shock doctrines that underscore the will to global corporatism. The article examines these dynamics through consideration of the figure of the zombie in a range of contemporary cultural texts drawn from film, television, graphic fiction, literature and gaming, each of which articulates a sense not only neo-liberalism itself has failed but simply wont lie down and die. It is therefore argued that in an age of corporate war and economic collapse, community breakdown and state-sanctioned torture, the zombie apocalypse both realises and works through the failure of the free market, its victims shuffling through the ruins, avatars of the contemporary global self.

Gothic Studies
The institutional approach and the issue-based approach

stimuli to domestic policy processes. 38 Global warming policy in Japan and Britain The discussion of institutionalism is linked with the literature on corporatism, here understood as describing a form of institution that can be contrasted with non-corporatism, or pluralism. In this study, Japan is seen as having important institutional characteristics of corporatism in terms of analysing environmental policy, and Britain those of pluralism. As explained subsequently, it has been argued that the degree of corporatism has implications for environmental performance

in Global warming policy in Japan and Britain

the phenomenon of ‘Harpsund democracy’. In November 1958 the Social Democratic daily Stockholms Tidningen wrote that ‘the recurring discussions at Harpsund between the government and representatives of the business sector and working life are one of several signs that a new spirit of co-operation is being created. Wise people both within enterprises and the labour movement are working to gain a more comprehensive perspective on economic policy issues’ (Lewin 1988: 204). In short, neo-corporatism was at the heart of policy-making in the Swedish model. Political

in Scandinavian politics today
Abstract only

priorities’ (Vogel, 1993: 241). His point can be explicated in terms of political economy. In Japan, the government intervenes in markets and steers the economy (see Johnson, 1982). Planning is a key feature of state activity. Business is relatively well integrated and government and organised business collaborate with each other in making and implementing policies. In other words, Japan possesses important features of corporatism. Britain, on the other hand, has a strong liberal state tradition. Unlike in Japan, interventionism is alien in Britain. Society is considered

in Global warming policy in Japan and Britain

dysfunctional interplay of liberalism, clientelism and corporatism. Many of the elements that made the banking crisis possible, he notes, ‘were intrinsic elements of market liberalism’. These included the limiting of public regulation, the rejection of political guidance of the economy, the indifference of private regulation to securing the common good and the structural importance and discursive privileging of markets and particularly finance.3 Such malign liberalism, he argues, combined with clientelism during the 2000s to destabilise a creative corporatism that had done

in Irish adventures in nation-building

shown that consensus corporatism and majoritarian pluralism, as contrasting institutional systems, give a good vantage point for analysing global warming policy in Japan and Britain. However, this institutional approach has little explanatory power in accounting for the fundamental Interests, institutions and global warming 231 constraints on carbon dioxide mitigation policy. For this, we have to turn to the characteristics of the global warming problem and their effects on the political behaviour of actors operating in liberal democracies. International influences

in Global warming policy in Japan and Britain

the decades before. Traditions, practices and experiences of past battles won form a sedimented framework which elites draw on to create styles of rule. These styles give a ruling elite its distinctive quality and can be an important factor in the management of social discontent. It is to these longer-term historic patterns we need now to turn. 4147 Inglis–Are the Irish different_BB_Layout 1 29/07/2014 09:26 Page 57 The Irish political elite 57 From populism to corporatism The Irish political system has historically been shaped by the domination of Fianna Fáil

in Are the Irish different?

pensions and unemployment compensation: the others have gradually increased retirement ages, reduced the generosity of benefits and tried to reduce the costs of unemployment compensation. European economies are subject to shared competitive pressure, but have responded in different ways. Of the three major economies, Germany has gradually dismantled its consensual corporatism as companies swing towards shareholder returns and away from social responsibility and France has also slowly liberalised. Only the UK has created a liberal labour market and weak regulation

in In search of social democracy

teaching. However, he also fails I believe to distinguish between the impulse behind radical republican references to such principles and the motivation behind the Blueshirt / Fine Gael embrace of corporatism.7 Of course a similar dichotomy existed in other Catholic countries between ‘egalitarian’ and ‘elitist’ advocates of Catholic social teaching and fascism. Rerum Novarum voices the Catholic Church’s concern at the ‘moral degeneracy’ of capitalism, and suggests that, in the absence of the guild system, working men were prey to ‘crafty agitators’ attempting to exploit

in The IRA 1956–69