This book explores the appropriation of science in French society and the development of an urban scientific culture. Science underwent a process of commodification and popularization during the eighteenth century as more and more individuals sought to acquire some knowledge of scientific activities and as more and more people entered public debates on science. Popular science took many forms in the eighteenth century. While books, periodicals, universities, and academies all provided a breadth of scientific popularization at different levels and for different audiences, this book focuses on popular science within urban culture more generally. More than ever before, public lectures and demonstrations, clubs, and other activities arose in the eighteenth century as new opportunities for the general population to gain access to and appropriate science. These arenas for popular science were not restricted to people of a certain education. In fact, popular science, and public lecture courses in particular, was often set at a level that could be understood by pretty much anyone. This was a bone of contention between popularizers and their critics who felt that in some cases popular science lacked any sort of real scientific content. In reality, some popularizers had specific theoretical content in mind for their courses while others were admittedly more interested in theatrics. Identifying the audience, cost, and location of popular science helps reveal its place in urban culture. The book looks at the audience, identified through advertisements and course descriptions, as well as the economics of courses.
this profession came from a multitude of
backgrounds, educational experiences, and abilities, and they approached this
job with a vast array of goals in mind. This chapter explores the composition of
this group, the methods they used to popularize science, and the topics they
Identifying the audience, cost, and location of popular science helps
reveal its place in urban culture. Chapter 3 looks at the audience, identiﬁed
through advertisements and coursedescriptions, as well as the economics of
courses. Advertisements outlined the
only the academic calendar coursedescription as a rough compass, we
gathered current research on oral language and envisioned a socially constructivist framework where instructors and students were both learners and teachers.
We had little idea what this learning and teaching would ultimately look like;
however, we did know how we wanted it to unfold – in emergent, contextual and
responsive ways. This is our ‘oracy’ story.
Approaching oral language instruction
Tell me and I’ll forget; show me and I may remember; involve me and I’ll understand.
called into question by new ways of making knowledge. This is nowhere more evident than in Spenser’s unfinished attempt at writing what should have been, by his own account, a national epic. Spenser’s poetry reached print at a time when the book trade was saturated with practical guides concerning how to direct a ship’s course, descriptions of the regional landscape and the cultural memories embedded therein, collections of maps which offered the beholder mastery over the spaces they portray, and translations of technical manuals made available for the first time in
“packages.” It is only since the
revised sickness benefit legislation that it has been part of your job description
and you know very little about the content of the different “packages.” So far you
have just referred people to “sickness benefit packages” since they are on sickness
benefit but maybe in Ali’s case a “job seeking package” would not be a bad idea.
You decide to look up the agency’s coursedescription and think to yourself that
as Ali is likely to move on to professional rehabilitation this course sounds like
a good opportunity to work towards this goal
fire flashed from countless blows atop shimmering helmets’. 58 The enemy was pushed back into the castle, but not before the will of the attacking army was broken. Of course, descriptions of a brave and heroic king were nothing new to a medieval audience. Charlemagne’s deeds circulated in all sorts of formats, and his is only the most widespread example. But there is something different in Suger’s writing; he strove to set Louis’s deeds into a framework of divine intervention and clerical endorsement. This combination does seem to be new. In fact, it follows a
-b (the handwriting is unclear), which correlates with the coursedescriptions and lecture notes for Kantorowicz's courses on ‘English constitutional history I-II, or ‘Medieval England’ (Spicer's undated notebooks might correlate with either, but the dates on Kantorowicz's notes suggest the former). These include lectures on Roman Britain, the Chronicle in Old English, Bede, Gildas, OE period Charters, the laws of Kentish Kings, the Laws of Ine, and a number of extended exhortations on historiography (see Kantorowicz, Lecture notes