Diaspora space and the devolution of literary culture

Postcolonial Manchester offers a radical new perspective on Britain's devolved literary cultures by focusing on Manchester's vibrant, multicultural literary scene. This book presents the North West of England as quintessential 'diaspora space' and contributes to a better understanding of the region in social, cultural and aesthetic terms. It examines the way in which stories, poems and plays set in locales such as 'the Curry Mile' and Moss Side, have attempted to reshape Manchester's collective visions. The book features a broad demographic of authors and texts emanating from different diasporic communities and representing a wide range of religious affiliations. Manchester's black and Asian writers have struggled to achieve recognition within the literary mainstream, partly as a result of exclusion from London-centric, transnational publishing houses. Manchester's unfortunate reputation as one of Britain's 'crime capitals' is analysed by the use of fiction to stretch and complicate more popular explanations. A historical overview of Manchester's literary anthologies is presented through a transition from a writing that paid tribute to political resistance to more complex political statements, and focuses on the short story as a literary mode. The book combines close readings of some of the city's best-known performance poets such as Lemn Sissay and SuAndi with analysis of the literary cultures that have both facilitated and challenged their art. The book affords readers the opportunity to hear many of the chapter authors 'in their own words' by reflecting on how they themselves in terms of the literary mainstream and their identities.

Robert Miles

genealogy with authority and power. As Camillo in his choric function notes, the Pope ‘holds it of most dangerous example/ In aught to weaken the paternal power,/ Being as ‘twere, the shadow of his own’ (II, ii, 55-6). And then later, explaining the Pope’s resolute refusal of clemency, ‘Authority, and power, and hoary hair/ Are grown crimes capital’ (V, iv, 23-4). The line of power runs through the

in Gothic writing 1750–1820
Abstract only
Policy and practice in Northern Ireland
Jennifer Hamilton, Fiona Bloomer and Michael Potter

Northern Ireland, with increasing reports of racist attacks in the media and some media sources even stating that Northern Ireland is ‘the hate crime capital of Europe’ (McVeigh and Rolston, 2007; Knox, 2011). The impact of these racist incidents can prove to be a barrier to accessing education, employment and health and social services. This chapter will focus on the issue of the education of Traveller children in Northern Ireland, on the basis of a study which assessed the adequacy and effectiveness of primary-level education. Irish Travellers in Northern Ireland The

in Tolerance and diversity in Ireland, North and South
The mystery of the city’s smoking gun
Lynne Pearce

their familiarity with the city per se. Similarly, there is also the argument (following Taylor, Evans and Fraser, 1996: 206–7) that Manchester may purposely have been chosen as a location by some of the writers on account of its generic reputation as a ‘crime capital’ rather for any more specific qualities. However, inasmuch as all the writers dealt with here are long-term residents of the city there is, I would suggest, little chance of Manchester having been chosen as a location simply on account of its ‘bad-city’ reputation. Instead, this chapter has, I trust

in Postcolonial Manchester
Peel’s Protection Act and the retreat from approachability, 1837–50
Steve Poole

could even be counter-productive, argued the Court Journal: ‘It has been found that the more exemplary and excruciating the punishment, the more numerous the appearance of assassins of kings; ridicule, silence or the charge of lunacy being more effective than the severest retribution. It is thus with all species of crime. Capital punishment fails of effect in deterring criminals.’62 These were the considerations underlying Peel’s reform of the treason laws. On 12 July Peel introduced his Royal Protection Bill to the Commons. In essence it sought to create a new

in The politics of regicide in England, 1760–1850
Alison K. McHardy

–8. 78 Dobson ( 1983 ): 172, 181; Ormrod ( 2000 ); 277–92. 79 CR : 64–7, 72, 145–6. 80 This was not a generous concession, for trespass covered lesser crimes. Capital crimes (felonies) were what many of the rebels had committed

in The reign of Richard II