This book provides readers with an analytical framework that serves to investigate and explain how the EU adapts its foreign policy in the wake of crisis. While a range of studies dedicated to foreign policy stability and change exist for the US context, such analyses are rare for the assessment and measurement of foreign policy change at the European Union level. This book explores a range of theories of (foreign) policy change and assesses their value for explaining EU foreign policy change. Changes to EU foreign policy, this study proposes based upon an in-depth investigation of recent episodes in which foreign policy has changed, are not captured well using existing typologies of policy change from other fields of study.
Offering a new perspective on the question of change, this book proposes an analytical framework focused on how institutions, institutional ‘plasticity’ and temporal context impact on the decision-making process leading to change. It thus provides readers with the tools to analyse, explain and conceptualise the various change outcomes in EU foreign policy. In so doing, it sets the theoretical approach of historical institutionalism to work in an EU foreign policy setting. Based on a rich empirical analysis of five case studies it provides a revised typology of EU foreign policy change. It proposes two novel forms of foreign policy change, symbolic change and constructive ambiguity, as frequent and important outcomes of the EU decision-making process.
Society. Sherrington has examined the Society in Britain from its foundation to 1883. For the period 1908–48, she explores the changing relations between the Society and the State. While the Society’s early innovatory work had become more formalised in the twentieth century, statutory services were expanding into areas originally pioneered by the Society, and Sherrington describes this as a period of ‘crisis and change’ within its work as it attempted to redefine its role. The Society was now acting as a form of children’s police, involving itself in matters of justice
treated as silos. The multiple departments of local and regional, like central, government will fail in a world of chronic environmental, economic and fiscal crisis and changing demography unless they learn to work together in confronting interwoven needs and ends. This means working with diverse partners ‘outside’. It may seem hard, complex and messy to achieve; the more so when regions find themselves constrained in personnel and other resources. The alternatives are bleaker still. Regional leadership may have to remake its administration so as to be able to embed
setting up of the ISPCC in 1956. From 1922, the Society had to adjust its focus to survive in independent Ireland. This notion of ‘crisis and change’ was not unique to the Irish Society, as Christine Anne Sherrington’s examination of the NSPCC in Britain has shown, but Irish circumstances exacerbated the need for changing foci. In the aftermath of the First World War, many states had engaged in a discourse on the rights of children, the role of the State in child welfare and interventions in the family. For the Irish NSPCC, the challenges to its existence were
In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.
space. 2 J. Anderson, G. J. Ikenberry and T. Risse (eds), The End of the West? Crisis and Change in the Atlantic Order (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2008); G. Scott-Smith (ed.), Obama, US Politics, and Transatlantic Relations: Change or Continuity? (Brussels: Peter Lang, 2012). 3 D. Hamilton, Winning the Trade Peace: How to Make the Most of the EU-US Trade and Investment Partnership (New Direction Foundation, May 2013). 4 A. Bacevich, The Short American Century: A Postmortem
control over the private domestic sphere.42 Charrad’s analysis, while providing a very useful model as a point of departure, remains at a quite general level and does not identify how or why ‘tribal’ structures were able to remain so powerful over and against M1822 - MACMASTER TEXT.indd 359 21/7/09 12:16:31 360 Burning the veil the encroachment of the centralising state. What made it possible for socio-cultural patterns of male domination over women, particularly within the family group, to survive through two decades of enormous political and economic crisis and
. There is general agreement among scholars that the economic, social and political crisis and changes of the post-war period had a particularly important impact on young people raised in Basque rural areas.42 In particular, studies of early ETA have often drawn a direct link between the rapid economic development experienced by young men raised in rural farmsteads during the 1940s and 1950 and ETA’s success in recruiting members and supporters in the rural areas of Vizcaya and Guipízcoa during the 1960s. Several academics have interpreted the organisation’s popularity
Multivariate Model of Public Policy-Making, American Journal of Political Science 24, 439–468. Mearsheimer, John and Stephen Walt (2007) The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy , New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux. Morris, Benny (1988) The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem, 1947–1949 , Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Nohrstedt, Daniel (2010) Do Advocacy Coalitions Matter? Crisis and Change in Swedish Nuclear Energy Policy, Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory 20(2), 309–333. Nohrstedt, Daniel (2011) Shifting Resources and Venues
crisis and changes in US foreign policy; the enlargement of the EU and the shift towards right-wing governments across the EU; and the weakness of the Latin American lobbies. It is of extreme importance to remember the asymmetries between the two blocs to understand the weight that each side carries in the negotiations. Table 7.1 shows the disparities that exist between the EU and Mercosur in terms economic resources. We also need to identify the EU and Mercosur’s main trading partners before the relaunch of the negotiations in order to identify both the actors and the