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The impact of devolution and cross-border cooperation

This book examines how the conflict affects people's daily behaviour in reinforcing sectarian or ghettoised notions and norms. It also examines whether and to what extent everyday life became normalised in the decade after the 1998 Good Friday Agreement (GFA). Cross-border commerce has been the stuff of everyday life ever since the partition of Ireland back in 1921. The book outlines how sectarianism and segregation are sustained and extended through the routine and mundane decisions that people make in their everyday lives. It explores the role of integrated education in breaking down residual sectarianism in Northern Ireland. The book examines the potential of the non-statutory Shared Education Programme (SEP) for fostering greater and more meaningful contact between pupils across the ethno-religious divide. It then focuses on women's involvement or women's marginalisation in society and politics. In considering women's political participation post-devolution, mention should be made of activities in the women's sector which created momentum for women's participation prior to the GFA. The book deals with the roles of those outside formal politics who engage in peace-making and everyday politics. It explores the fate of the Northern Irish Civic Forum and the role of section 75 of the 1998 Northern Ireland Act in creating more inclusive policy-making. Finally, the book explains how cross-border trade, shopping and economic development more generally, also employment and access to health services, affect how people navigate ethno-national differences; and how people cope with and seek to move beyond working-class isolation and social segregation.

The case of cross-border commerce
Eoin Magennis

Cross-border commerce has been the stuff of everyday life ever since the partition of Ireland back in 1921. Anecdotes about illegal commercial activity, or smuggling, have been common-place since that time, reflecting how the Irish border has been a negotiable barrier (Logue, 2000 ; Toibi’n, 1994 ). The everyday business of cross-border commerce – the connections

in Everyday life after the Irish conflict
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Renegotiating the Irish border
Sara McDowell

”?’, Journal of British Studies 46, 1: 72–90. Gorecki, P. (2009) ‘A code of practice for grocery goods and an ombudsman: how to do a lot of harm by trying to do a little good’, Economic and Social Review 40, 4: 461–84. Gough, A. and Magennis, E. (2009) The Impact of Devolution on Everyday Life, 1999– 2009: the Case of Cross-border Commerce. IBIS Working Papers 85. Dublin: Institute for British-Irish Studies, University College Dublin. Howard, K. (2007) ‘Civil society: the permeability of the North–South border’, in J. Coakley and L. O’Dowd (eds), Crossing the Border: New

in Spacing Ireland
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Ahmad H. Sa’di

. In the north, it engaged along the borders in blocking the return of Palestinian refugees, in sweep operations – detention and expulsion of refugees who returned to their villages (officially labelled infiltrators) – and in stopping cross-border commerce. Meanwhile, in the south (the Negev), it engaged in the cleansing (Tihor) of Bedouin tribes and other Arabs deemed unfriendly to the state and in stopping cross-border commerce (Firro, 1999:106; Cohen, 2006:196; Avivi, 2007:76). The highlighting of the Druze distinction had already begun in 1948 with one of the

in Thorough surveillance
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The politics of everyday life
Cillian McGrattan and Elizabeth Meehan

Everest’, there are some ‘good stories’ that indicate progress. His double-edged judgement is to be found also in the chapters that follow. As the book moves on to economic life, it provides a chapter by Eoin Magennis on the case of cross-border commerce. As the author points out, developments in cross-border business activity and flows of people now take place in the wake of the

in Everyday life after the Irish conflict
Patrick Collinson

themselves confessional, and had become so as the consequence of the Reformation. This was new. Traditionally, and historically, diplomacy and war had concerned the interests of ruling families or dynasties, the control of territory and sea lanes, together with bread and butter issues, especially cross-border commerce; a diplomacy engineered by marriage alliances and lubricated with the exchange of gifts.22 Western Europe had been at one confessionally, and religious differences had entered into international relations only in such 40 The politics of religion and the

in This England
Stephen Constantine

were initially very reluctant to allow restoration of the cross-border commerce which might have led to an easier living. The counter-attack of 1704–5 hardly invited relaxed relations. While the Treaty of Utrecht ended international war in 1713, Gibraltar’s governors in the subsequent cold-war period could do little enough to ease matters for officers in the garrison, let alone for civilians. The land border remained closed. Even a conditional toleration of sea communications in 1717 was revoked when, in 1718, another Anglo-Spanish war broke out over matters not

in Community and identity