This book examines how the conflict affects people's daily behaviour in reinforcing sectarian or ghettoised notions and norms. It also examines whether and to what extent everyday life became normalised in the decade after the 1998 Good Friday Agreement (GFA). Cross-border commerce has been the stuff of everyday life ever since the partition of Ireland back in 1921. The book outlines how sectarianism and segregation are sustained and extended through the routine and mundane decisions that people make in their everyday lives. It explores the role of integrated education in breaking down residual sectarianism in Northern Ireland. The book examines the potential of the non-statutory Shared Education Programme (SEP) for fostering greater and more meaningful contact between pupils across the ethno-religious divide. It then focuses on women's involvement or women's marginalisation in society and politics. In considering women's political participation post-devolution, mention should be made of activities in the women's sector which created momentum for women's participation prior to the GFA. The book deals with the roles of those outside formal politics who engage in peace-making and everyday politics. It explores the fate of the Northern Irish Civic Forum and the role of section 75 of the 1998 Northern Ireland Act in creating more inclusive policy-making. Finally, the book explains how cross-border trade, shopping and economic development more generally, also employment and access to health services, affect how people navigate ethno-national differences; and how people cope with and seek to move beyond working-class isolation and social segregation.
Cross-bordercommerce has been
the stuff of everyday life ever since the partition of Ireland back
in 1921. Anecdotes about illegal commercial activity, or smuggling,
have been common-place since that time, reflecting how the Irish
border has been a negotiable barrier (Logue, 2000 ; Toibi’n, 1994 ). The
everyday business of cross-bordercommerce – the connections
”?’, Journal of British Studies 46, 1: 72–90.
Gorecki, P. (2009) ‘A code of practice for grocery goods and an ombudsman: how to
do a lot of harm by trying to do a little good’, Economic and Social Review 40, 4:
Gough, A. and Magennis, E. (2009) The Impact of Devolution on Everyday Life, 1999–
2009: the Case of Cross-borderCommerce. IBIS Working Papers 85. Dublin:
Institute for British-Irish Studies, University College Dublin.
Howard, K. (2007) ‘Civil society: the permeability of the North–South border’, in J.
Coakley and L. O’Dowd (eds), Crossing the Border: New
. In the north, it engaged along the borders in
blocking the return of Palestinian refugees, in sweep operations – detention
and expulsion of refugees who returned to their villages (officially labelled
infiltrators) – and in stopping cross-bordercommerce. Meanwhile, in the
south (the Negev), it engaged in the cleansing (Tihor) of Bedouin tribes and
other Arabs deemed unfriendly to the state and in stopping cross-bordercommerce (Firro, 1999:106; Cohen, 2006:196; Avivi, 2007:76).
The highlighting of the Druze distinction had already begun in 1948 with
one of the
Everest’, there are some ‘good stories’ that
indicate progress. His double-edged judgement is to be found also in
the chapters that follow. As the book moves on to economic life, it
provides a chapter by Eoin Magennis on the case of cross-bordercommerce. As the author points out, developments in cross-border
business activity and flows of people now take place in the wake of
themselves confessional, and had become so as the consequence
of the Reformation.
This was new. Traditionally, and historically, diplomacy and war had concerned the interests of ruling families or dynasties, the control of territory
and sea lanes, together with bread and butter issues, especially cross-bordercommerce; a diplomacy engineered by marriage alliances and lubricated with
the exchange of gifts.22 Western Europe had been at one confessionally, and
religious differences had entered into international relations only in such
The politics of religion and the
were initially very reluctant to allow restoration of the cross-bordercommerce which might have led to an easier living. The counter-attack of 1704–5
hardly invited relaxed relations. While the Treaty of Utrecht ended international
war in 1713, Gibraltar’s governors in the subsequent cold-war period could do
little enough to ease matters for oﬃcers in the garrison, let alone for civilians. The
land border remained closed. Even a conditional toleration of sea communications in 1717 was revoked when, in 1718, another Anglo-Spanish war broke out
over matters not