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The gender politics of radical Basque nationalism

At a time when conflicts in Europe, the Middle East and elsewhere are highlighting women's roles as armed activists and combatants, this volume offers a book-length study of women's participation in Spain's oldest armed movement. Drawing on a body of oral history interviews, archival material and published sources, it shows how women's participation in radical Basque nationalism has changed from the founding of ETA in 1959 to the present. The book analyses several aspects of women's nationalist activism: collaboration and direct activism in ETA, cultural movements, motherhood, prison and feminism. By focusing on gender politics, it offers new perspectives on the history of ETA, including recruitment, the militarisation of radical Basque nationalism and the role of the media in shaping popular understandings of ‘terrorism’. These arguments are directly relevant to the study of women in other insurgence and terrorist movements.

The Victorian cult of Alfred the Great

This book provides a broad account of the nineteenth-century cult of King Alfred. It reveals the rich cultural interest of the corpus of texts as a whole. The book redresses a misleading modern emphasis on Arthur and the Victorians, and addresses a genuine gap in the current literature on nineteenth-century medievalism. The book focuses on what was probably the apex of Victorian Alfredianism. It provides the background to this event both in terms of the wider cultural movements and in the sense of the Alfredian tradition which the nineteenth century inherited. The intersection of the cult of Alfred with nineteenth-century British politics is considered in the book, which focuses upon the role that Alfredianism played in debate about the future of the monarchy. The book speculates how the Saxon king was enlisted to vindicate and ennoble those institutions of which Victorian Britain was most proud - notably its navy, law-code, constitution and empire. It examines the conceptions of ninth-century Wessex as a time of immense cultural change - the mirror-image of the nineteenth century - and reviews Victorian appropriations of Alfred's reign as a prestigious starting point for myths of national progress. The book further focuses upon more domestic narratives - the use of Alfred, by Victorian authors, to exemplify moral values, and the rewriting of his life as a parable of error and redemption. Finally, the crucial question of Alfred's decline in fame is addressed in the book, which surveys the diminished interest in the Saxon king after 1901.

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of a growing interest in quiet activities that are couched as an anomalous force within a system of late capitalism, particularly in wider cultural movements that challenge the ways Conclusion 191 in which the individual receives information and values. Groups promoting ‘slow’ activities, for example, date back to the movement for slow food that began in Italy in 1986 and led to the establishment of the World Institute of Slowness in 1999. Such organisations promote the awareness and practice of ‘slow’ processes, placing a high value on ‘transparency

in The quiet contemporary American novel

This chapter seeks to examine the turbulent political context in which The Clash recorded their enduring body of work. The songs that the band crafted together provide a compelling account of the rise and ultimate triumph of the neoliberal project as the 1970s turned into the 1980s. While The Clash were one of the critical voices raised against this dramatic turn to the right, their political power was always compromised by their proximity to a corporate world they claimed to despise. As many bands before and since have learned, the culture industries have a facility for incorporation that diminishes the political valence and authenticity of even the most critical artists. In spite of the constraints of the corporate environment in which they were operating, however, The Clash wrote scores of songs that have retained a political resonance even today. The political power of the band derives ironically from previous cultural movements that they often claimed to loathe. In large measure, the enduring influence of The Clash comes from their rechanneling of the 1960s counterculture and the band should be seen then as heirs to that prior movement of radical cultural dissent.

in Working for the clampdown
Extending the critique of Bauman’s first exposition of postmodernity and postmodernism

ephemeral as experienced in the modern world (Berman 1982: 15). The point is that modernity is a far more contradictory phenomenon than it appears in Bauman’s analysis – although he does refer to Simmel’s ambivalence in relation to modernity – and Bauman overlooks the contradictions in the cultural movements that sprang up in the early part of the twentieth century such as Cubism and Dadaism in art, atonality in the music of Schoenberg or the fractured narratives of the literature of the day. It is not surprising that Bradbury and McFarlane (1976: 13), in discussing

in Bauman and contemporary sociology
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The Museum of dust

and the ghostly and dreamlike otherworld of the Barbarians speaks to the interpretative possibilities that Carter identifies in the Gothic’s mode of contradiction. But it is also, as Sage argues, ‘mocking code for the mental landscape of a late 1960s woman intellectual – the glamour of the guerrilla underground and various vagrant counter-cultural movements’ ( 1994a : 18). Although she is initially fascinated by the

in Decadent Daughters and Monstrous Mothers
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The civil service, the State and the Irish revolution

civil service want from the revolution? The demand that was voiced was actually a modestly negative ‘no worsening of conditions’. The difficulty with the Irish civil service under the old regime was the persistence of nepotism and sectarian recruitment patterns, a difficulty that persisted in Northern Ireland. The leadership of the Irish civil service associations had become thoroughly nationalist, mainly through the influence of competitive recruitment and membership of the cultural movements. Their hope was that these movements would act as the training ground for a new

in The civil service and the revolution in Ireland, 1912–38
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The last Muggletonian Marxist: EP Thompson’s paradoxical triumph

’s thought was his belief in the essential unity of political, scholarly and imaginative work. For Thompson, literary and scholarly work was just as important as political agitation. All were part of a single project, and they might intersect in the most interesting and useful ways. We have also noted the importance of England and of English culture and history, to Thompson. He absorbed the Popular Front view of English progressive history, and dissident English cultural movements like Romanticism, as a storehouse of radical democratic struggle, and a living model and

in The crisis of theory
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arguments I will draw on comparisons between RAR and other significant politico-cultural movements, principally the post-war folk revival, which arose in opposition to the spread of commercialised ‘mass culture’, and Bob Geldof’s various ‘Aid’ initiatives, which embraced this culture wholeheartedly. But if RAR needs to be understood within the context of a broader left-wing current in British politics, we also need to grasp the extent to which it forged links with, and relied upon, wider networks of influence intro.indd 3 6/5/2009 10:56:37 AM 4 Crisis music and

in Crisis music
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Spiritualism and the Atlantic divide

progress. Daniel Cottom, Abyss of Reason: Cultural Movements, Revelations, and Betrayals, New York and Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1991, p. 13. For example, in her autobiography Emma Hardinge Britten mentions meeting ‘many excellent [black] mediums’ on a visit to the southern states in 1859–60 (Margaret Wilkinson (ed.), Autobiography of Emma Hardinge Britten, Manchester and London, John Heywood, 1900, pp. 146–6). Spear’s comment is cited in Carroll, Spiritualism in Antebellum America, p. 69. For further arguments about the significance of the telegraph see, for

in Special relationships