This book interrogates the interplay of cultural and political aspects of contemporary Hollywood movies. Using ‘security’ films dealing with public order and disorder (Part I), romantic comedies and other movies presenting intimate relationalities (Part II), socially engaged films offering overtly critical messages (Part III), and analysis of Hollywood’s global reach and impact (Part IV), it articulates and illustrates an original cultural politics approach to film. The book employs an expanded conception of ‘the political’ to enquire into power relations in public, private, and policy arenas in order to advance a new framework and methodology for cultural politics. It demonstrates how movies both reflect and produce political myths that largely uphold the status quo as they shape our dreams, identities, and selves.
conservative American norms, most famously in the uproar caused by John Lennon’s ‘more popular than Jesus’ comments in 1966. 97 While harder to discern in the earlier part of their career, this chapter argues that from the outset of their engagement with American culturalpolitics the Beatles, and the broader phenomenon the group generated, resonated with and contributed to those forces within the United States that posed a challenge to established norms.
Marcy Lanza was a Beatles fan from New York swept up in the mania that greeted the group when they arrived in America
on Obscenity and Film Censorship (hereafter DCOFC), n.d.
13 Colin Clarke, ‘The Colin Clarke portfolio’, Him Exclusive , 2 (1975), 25.
14 ‘Man talk: Chat’, Him Exclusive , 4 (1975), 18.
15 Advertisement for the Mr Playguy Contest, Him Exclusive , 5 (1975), 47. For an account of the culturalpolitics of drag in American gay culture, see Betty Luther Hillman, ‘“The most profoundly revolutionary act a homosexual can engage in”: Drag and the politics of gender presentation in the San Francisco gay liberation movement, 1964–1972’, Journal of
ESPN and the Un-Americanisation of Global Football
This article examines the cultural politics of American soccer fandom, with specific
attention paid to the ways in which the sport is positioned and platformed by the
major sports networks, including, especially, cable televisions biggest player in the
United States, ESPN. The networks‘ failure to exploit soccer as a marketable
commodity can be traced to a persistent American futility at the sport on the
international level, but it evinces as well a larger American cultural problematic,
one in which ethnocentrism and isolationism is disguised, as it often is, as American
This article focuses on the career and writings of a neglected eighteenth-century High Church cleric, Thomas Townson (1715–92). It aims to restate his contemporary prominence as a writer and pastor and present fresh research into the intergenerational transmission and reception of High Church ideas and practices within a distinctive religio-political milieu in Staffordshire and Cheshire. In this recovery of contexts, it notes Townson’s relatively slight inspirational importance within both the Hackney Phalanx and the earlier Oxford Movement, and argues that, while there were undoubted continuities and connections between the Georgian Church of England and the Tractarians, Townson’s marginality for most of the latter serves to confirm Peter Nockles’s emphasis on the Oxford Movement as, in many senses, a ‘new start’.
Conspiracy and Narrative Masquerade in Schiller, Zschokke, Lewis and Hoffmann
This essay brings together the popularity of Venice in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century as a setting for horror, terror and fantasy, and the narrative conventions of the Gothic. Focusing on Schiller, Zschokke, Lewis and Hoffmann, the article studies the representation of Venice as a Gothic labyrinth, in the context of the city‘s changing reputation as a political structure. ‘Venice’ is treated as a common set of signs which overlap between the literary field and the field of cultural politics: ‘plots’ are both political conspiracies and (carnivalised: doubled and disguised) narrative forms. All is given over to the dynamics of masquerade. The topography of the Venetian Republic is itself a political text, which carnivalises the ‘separation of powers’, while the texts of the Gothic writers are narrative masquerades which choose popular hybrid forms of comedy, folktale and horror, rather than Tragedy or Realism, to respond to Venice‘s tension between law and anarchy and the conflicting pressures of Enlightenment, Republicanism and Empire.
A Model for Historical Reflection in the Humanitarian Sector
Kevin O’Sullivan and Réiseal Ní Chéilleachair
the obvious, it is important to set the right tone for the
discussions. Willingness to engage and respect for sharing information can be
facilitated by carefully choosing speakers and commentators to stimulate the
debate. In our case, the decision to pair practitioners with academic
contributors in each of the thematic panels was an attempt to balance the value
of individual experience with a more global reading of the cultural, political
Matthew Hunt, Sharon O’Brien, Patrick Cadwell, and Dónal P. O’Mathúna
receiving the word of the Other into one’s own home, one’s own
dwelling’ ( 2007 : xvi).
Humanitarian aid entails overcoming distances: geographic distances as national
or international responders travel to a locale experiencing crisis, but also
social, cultural, political and narrative distances due to the vastly divergent
experiences of people caught up in crises. A key challenge for humanitarian
ethics is to take account both of the steep asymmetries
Lessons Learned for Engagement in Fragile and Conflict-Affected States
collection and research, a step in the project cycle that will require flexibility from donors and new skills by implementing organisations ( USAID, 2016 ). For all involved, this also includes recognising the complexity of working in South Sudan and investing time and resources into better understanding the cultural, political and economic arenas that influence activities, outcomes and impacts ( Caldwell and Oliver-Burgess, 2014 ; Morrison-Métois, 2017 ). A Norad report notes that ‘context analysis, rather than the availability of advisors and/or bilateral interests
This book offers a new interpretation of the debates over education and politics in the early years of the French Revolution. This period witnessed a series of amazingly ambitious efforts to reform and reinvent the nation's political institutions, cultural politics, and social order. Deputies, political commentators, and private citizens alike recognized that reinventing French politics and transforming French society would require rethinking the principles and practices of education. The book aims to recapture the dynamism of this polyvalent debate and to flesh out the ambitions and dilemmas that gave it meaning during this most turbulent of historical moments. It traces an ambivalent strain in Enlightenment thought on education, a deep tension at the point of contact between seemingly limitless philosophical possibilities and the apparent limitations imposed by political and social realities. The book analyses the debate over education amid broader concerns about the nature and efficacy of representative government and the nascent idea of "public instruction" from its emergence as a revolutionary ambition through efforts to fulfill the constitutional promise of national education. It argues for a new understanding of "public instruction" as a pedagogical and political ideal and, with that, a revised sense of education's role in regenerating France and in working towards a representative and participatory system of government. The book also focuses on letters and proposals submitted by people affiliated or associated with the schools and related institutions. Finally, it surveys the changes the "education question" took on an explicitly republican form after September 1792.