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Annabelle Littoz-Monnet

2997 The European Union and culture 26/2/07 09:31 Page 1 1 Cultural policy as a contested area The trajectory of Communitarisation, the process by which European level policies are developed and the sector’s governance (at least in terms of policy-making) takes place in Brussels, varies significantly across policy sectors. Most EU policies found a basis in the Treaty of Rome. Yet some policy sectors were Communitarised in the absence of a Treaty basis for Community intervention. Community policies were created in the telecommunications and environment fields

in The European Union and culture
Annabelle Littoz-Monnet

2997 The European Union and culture 26/2/07 09:31 Page 37 3 Cultural policy at the heart of tensions between governance levels In 1957, when European states signed the Rome Treaty,1 no mention was made of the cultural sector. By 1992, Article 128 of the Maastricht Treaty (now Article 151)2 created a formal competence for EU intervention in the cultural field. How can this evolution be accounted for? Was it a linear process, which had already begun prior to the reform of the Maastricht Treaty? Or have Treaty reforms been the harbingers for major policy

in The European Union and culture
Annabelle Littoz-Monnet

2997 The European Union and culture 26/2/07 09:31 Page 20 2 Cultural policy at the heart of tensions between conflicting models of policy intervention Culture is the field ‘par excellence’ where policy preferences are not only determined by institutional, political and economic interests, but also by policy ideas. Depending on how policy actors perceive a given policy problem, their views will also differ as to how the sector should be regulated. Thus, the Communitarisation process of the cultural sector was characterised by a competition between conflicting

in The European Union and culture
Between economic regulation and European cultural policy

This book explains how and why the European Union has started to intervene in the cultural policy sector—understood here as the public policies aimed at supporting and regulating the arts and cultural industries. It is a comprehensive account of the Communitarisation process of the cultural policy sector. Before 1992, no legal basis for EU intervention in the field of culture appeared in the Treaties. Member states were, in any case, reluctant to share their competences in a policy sector considered to be an area of national sovereignty. In such circumstances, how was the Communitarisation of the policy sector ever possible? Who were the policy actors that played a role in this process? What were their motives? And why were certain actors more influential than others?

The case of Shakespeare

Academic analyses in cultural studies of the second half of the twentieth century had made a case to extend the term 'culture' to the tastes, practices and creativity of the groups marginalised by ethnicity and class. This book deals with Shakespeare's role in contemporary culture in twenty-first-century England. It looks in detail at the way that Shakespeare's plays inform modern ideas of cultural value and the work required to make Shakespeare part of modern culture. The book shows how advocacy for Shakespeare's universal and transcendent values deal with multiple forms of 'Shakespeare' in the present and the past. His plays have the potential to provide a tangible proxy for value that may stabilise the contingency and uncertainty that attends the discussion of both value and culture in the twenty-first century. The book shows how the discussions of culture involve both narratives of cultural change and ways of managing the knowledge in order to arrive at definitions of culture as valuable. It examines the new languages of value proffered by the previous Labour government in the first decade of the twenty-first century. The book further shows how both the languages and the practice of contemporary cultural policy have been drastically affected by economic pressures and the political changes occasioned by the post-2008 fiscal crisis.

Mobilising affect in feminist, queer and anti-racist media cultures

The power of vulnerability interrogates the new language of vulnerability that has emerged in feminist, queer and anti-racist debates about the production, use and meanings of media. The book investigates the historical legacies and contemporary forms and effects of this language. In today’s media culture, traumatic first-person or group narratives have popular currency, mobilising affect from compassion to rage to gain cultural visibility and political advantage. In this context, vulnerability becomes a kind of capital, a resource or an asset that can and has been appropriated for various groups and purposes in public discourses, activism as well as cultural institutions. Thus, politics of representation translates into politics of affect, and the question about whose vulnerability counts as socially and culturally legible and acknowledged. The contributors of the book examine how vulnerability has become a battleground; how affect and vulnerability have turned into a politicised language for not only addressing but also obscuring asymmetries of power; and how media activism and state policies address so-called vulnerable groups. While the contributors investigate the political potential as well as the constraints of vulnerability for feminist, queer and antiracist criticism, they also focus on the forms of agency and participation vulnerability can offer.

Refugees in the Austrian part of the Habsburg Empire during the First World War
Martina Hermann

fodder. Little Beppo, even though nearly beaten to death, won’t eat’.49 The authorities rejected these reports and claimed the refugees were ‘fussy’ and spoiled. The main priority of officials lay elsewhere, namely to address the concerns of local people who deemed the refugee population better cared for than themselves. Work, discipline, surveillance and cultural policy A basic motif in refugee politics was the need to find a means to ‘occupy’ the refugees, since, as Jochen Oltmer has pointed out, the utilisation of civilians is one of the most striking aspects of

in Europe on the move
Autonomy and capacity
Eve Hepburn

socioeconomic development being pursued, to control and shape cultural policy, and to exert authority within a variety of different spheres. This discussion therefore distinguishes between three dimensions of capacity goals: political representation in higher levels of decision-making, cultural policy, and socioeconomic policy and resources. Let us examine these themes in greater detail. Political capacity The first dimension of capacity strategies involves seeking political representation. Whilst this is usually perceived as an aspect of autonomy (e.g. the Åland Islands

in Using Europe
Constructing the televisual pop community in the GDR
Edward Larkey

(‘partisanship’) and Volksverbundenheit (‘associated with the people’), and containing ‘socialist ideas’ (see Olbrich et al., 1977: 573). Since socialism supposedly resolved the contradictions in capitalist society between socialised production and the distribution of wealth, socialist realism was ‘translated’ through the cultural policies of the Honecker period to mean that social problems would be viewed in a ‘non-antagonistic’ fashion. This meant that individual problems were just the problems of individuals (who failed to realise that they needed to conform). Social

in Popular television in authoritarian Europe
The birth of television advertising
Sean Nixon

television advertising, one that was differentiated from the dominant approaches of US advertising while drawing upon its example. Nixon_HardSell_Final.indd 97 18/04/2013 18:40 98 Hard sell Advertising agencies, ITV and TV advertising The introduction of commercial television under the 1954 Television Act was one of the most important pieces of cultural policy of the post-war years. The public debate about its introduction was preoccupied, for good reason, with the possible effects of advertising on the new service.12 Certainly in the extensive parliamentary and extra

in Hard sell