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How the monarchy manages its image and our money
Author: Laura Clancy

The British royal family has experienced a resurgence in public interest in recent years. During the same period, global inequalities have expanded, leaving huge chasms of wealth inequality between ‘the elites’ and ‘the rest’. Yet, the monarchy is mostly absent from conversations about contemporary inequalities, dismissed as an archaic and irrelevant institution. This is the only book to argue that we cannot talk about inequalities in Britain today without talking about the monarchy.

Running the Family Firm is about the contemporary British monarchy (1953 to present). It argues that media representations (of, for example, royal ceremonies or royal babies) are the ‘frontstage’ of monarchy: this is what we usually see. Meanwhile, ‘backstage’, there are a host of political-economic infrastructures that reproduce the institution: this is what we don’t typically see. This book pulls back the stage curtain of monarchy and exposes what is usually hidden: how it looks versus how it makes its money and power.

Drawing on case studies of key royal figures – the Queen, Prince Charles, Prince Harry, Kate Middleton and Meghan Markle – the book argues that media representations of the royal family are carefully stage-managed to ‘produce consent’ for monarchy in the public imagination. That is, the corporate power of monarchy (the Firm) is disguised through media representations of the royal family (the Family Firm). In so doing, the book probes conventional understandings of monarchy, and offers a unique and radical answer to the question ‘why does monarchy matter?’

G. Honor Fagan

capitalism, then we need to examine the phenomenon of ‘Ireland’ through the analytical framework of cultural political economy. This should throw light on globalisation tendencies and counter-tendencies from a specific location and, likewise, show how culture implicates itself daily in the cultural political processes that have produced ‘Ireland’. The most common reading of Ireland and its current state of development is as a country that has done well in the era of globalisation, much as it had earlier done very badly in the era of imperialism. Has there really been such

in The end of Irish history?
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Why does monarchy matter?
Laura Clancy

commentary on social media. This multi-textual analysis illustrates the complexity of monarchy as a social form and cultural representational system. I use investigative research methods to map monarchy across various media, physical and embodied sites, to explore how the cultural political economy of monarchy works across varied textual spaces. Running the Family Firm explores the relationships between the corporate power of the Firm and representations of the royal family using analysis of five key royal figures: the Queen

in Running the Family Firm
Problems of polysemy and idealism
Andrew Sayer

merely a sophisticated form of boosterism. The comforting view of embedding is reinforced by the enthusiasm of cultural political economy for networks. As Ash Amin and Jerzy Hausner (1997, p. 13) note: There is a creeping tendency in the socio-economics literature to privilege the qualities of networks over those of markets and hierarchies. Relations within and across networks are seen to be somehow more reciprocal and more egalitarian, because they rely on interaction. Nothing could be further from the truth. Not all networks are non-hierarchical, mutually beneficial

in Market relations and the competitive process
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Consuming traditional middle-class culture
Meghji Ali

cultural political economy, which helps restrict the distribution of cultural capital across the racial hierarchy. Nevertheless, just because traditional middle-class culture is being used as capital by and for the white middle class, this does not necessarily mean that the Black middle class do not partake in these cultural pursuits; this is only one course of action. Indeed, Black middle-class engagement with(/in) white spaces often involves a deliberate calculation as to whether or not the racialised emotions caused by white spaces are worth experiencing for the sake

in Black middle class Britannia
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Usages of Europe in national identity projects
Jenny Ozga and Farah Dubois-Shaik

of state regulation’, in Djelic, M. and Sahlin-Andersson, K. (eds.) Transnational governance: Institutional dynamics of regulation, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 205–225. Jacquot, S. and Woll, C. (2004) Les usages de l’Europe: Acteurs et transformations Européennes, Paris: L’Harmattan. Jessop, B. and Oosterlynck, A. (2008) ‘Cultural political economy: On making the cultural turn without falling into soft economic sociology’, GeoForum, vol. 39, pp. 1,155–1,169. 128 Spaces reconciled Jones, K. (2003) Education in Britain, Cambridge: Cambridge Polity

in Governing Europe’s spaces
Paul K. Jones

Nonetheless, Jessop does repeatedly draw on those elements of Hall's work he finds legitimate. This includes his role for the media in ‘populist ventriloquism’. Jessop, ‘Elective Affinity or Comprehensive Contradiction?’, 22. See also the discussion of ‘Semiotics for Political Economy’ in: N.L. Sum and B. Jessop, Towards a Cultural Political Economy: Putting Culture in Its Place in Political Economy (Cheltenham: Edward Elgar, 2014). 42

in Critical theory and demagogic populism
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Recognition, redistribution and citizenship
Chris Armstrong

Bob Jessop’s analysis of what he calls ‘cultural political economy’).9 Even as an ideal type, the depiction of economics as rational, calculative, strategic and in short as a form of action divorced from the complexities of desire, emotion, identity or subjectivity is a constitutive myth of modern society. It is a myth which Fraser sometimes seems to accept, but it is a myth nonetheless. This forces us to confront a very serious question. Whilst the original point of Fraser’s intervention was to address the disarticulation of economic and symbolic or cultural

in Rethinking Equality