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The Armistice and depictions of victimhood in German women’s art, 1918–24
Claudia Siebrecht

v 11 v Sacrifice defeated: The Armistice and depictions of victimhood in German women’s art, 1918–24 Claudia Siebrecht In October 1918 the German National Women’s Association published a testimony on peace, ‘Der Bund Deutscher Frauenvereine zum Frieden’, that claimed to express the silent emotions of millions of German women. Contributing to the public debate on whether Germany should settle for peace or continue hostilities, the authors declared that: German women believe that it is a question of national integrity and duty to the dead who died for the honour

in The silent morning
A lost cause?
Ashley Lavelle

chapter 4 1960s radicals and political defeat: a lost cause? After the 1960s rebellions, hope and resistance soon gave way to despair and retreat: as Mike Davis has observed, the eclipse of this radical period in the US was characterised by downturns in levels of political activity, splits within organisations such as the SDS, mass state repression targeted at the Black Panthers and others, and, most crucially, a steep decline in class struggle (Davis, 1986: 222–3). Tom Hayden recalled the ‘death upon death’ inflicted on the left (Hayden, 1988: 505). Hirschman

in The politics of betrayal
The siege of Ostend in contemporary Dutch war coverage and post-war chronicles (1601–15)
Werner Thomas

7 How a defeat became a victory: the siege of Ostend in contemporary Dutch war coverage and post-­war chronicles (1601–15) Werner Thomas The siege of Ostend, a coastal city in Flanders, presents one of the more intriguing episodes from the Revolt in the Low Countries. For more than three years, from 5 July 1601 to 22 September 1604, an army of about 20,000 royal troops continuously attacked a garrison of about 5,700 defenders in the polders surrounding the city. At the time, Ostend was one of the most fortified places of the Low Countries, if not Europe.1

in Early modern war narratives and the Revolt in the Low Countries
Chris Pearson

3 Remaking militarized environments in the wake of defeat (1871–1914) Following the terrible year of 1870–71, the French struggled to come to terms with the sense of humiliation following their defeat to Germany and the pain of what one writer described as the ‘open wound’ of the ‘lost’ provinces of Alsace and Lorraine.1 Historians have debated the extent to which France sought revanche against Germany, but it seems clear that France lacked the will to launch a war against Germany to reclaim Alsace and Lorraine.2 Rather than revenge, the French state and

in Mobilizing nature
Daniel Szechi

nearly half a century. The Great Civil War neutralised England between 1638 and 1653. The once mighty Polish empire was permanently weakened by the uprising led by Bohdan Chmielnicki in the 1650s. The decline of the Spanish Habsburg empire was directly attributable to its defeat at the hands of Dutch and Portuguese rebels and the exhausting, bitter struggle to reconquer Catalonia 1640–52. Most pertinently of all, the impressive military machine James II and VII had built up was brought low by an invasion assisted by a nationwide rebellion in England in 1688

in The Jacobites (second edition)
Ashley Lavelle

Part II The experience of defeat [The] years of my life coincided with the years of socialist defeat. Step by step, we suffered a dislodgment of received ideas even as we tried to retrieve their moral core. (Irving Howe) It is certainly the case that I am influenced by the defeats and betrayals of the last twenty and some years. These form part of the evidence for my belief that Marxism must be rejected: at every single one of the many tests provided by history, Marxist movements have either failed socialism or betrayed it. (James Burnham, cited in Smant, 1992

in The politics of betrayal
Peter D.G. Thomas

Chap 10 19/8/02 11:49 am Page 219 10 George III, Lord North and the defeat of ‘faction’ (1770) The political contest at the beginning of 1770 marked the culmination of the events of the first decade of George III’s reign. The King’s opponents pitted the power of the House of Commons against that of the Crown, but circumstances tipped the balance in favour of the monarchy. The success of Lord North enabled George III to defy ‘faction’ and make good his royal claim to have a Prime Minister of his own choice. When Parliament met on 9 January neither the eve

in George III
Neville Kirk

against Labor’ and a ‘record majority’ for the Liberal-Nationalists. The latter won 91 out of the 127 House of Representatives seats and ‘commanded an absolute majority in the Senate’. 30 Whitlam’s bold but insufficiently considered experiment in progressive nationalism was defeated by a combination of bad economic luck on the international front, incompetence and a lack of sound judgement in economic management and a lack of common sense in terms of what was politically possible in a conservative society. Many

in Labour and the politics of Empire
Zahira Araguete-Toribio

This article considers how the reburial and commemoration of the human remains of the Republican defeated during the Spanish Civil War (1936–39) is affected by the social, scientific and political context in which the exhumations occur. Focusing on a particular case in the southwestern region of Extremadura, it considers how civil society groups administer reburial acts when a positive identification through DNA typing cannot be attained. In so doing, the article examines how disparate desires and memories come together in collective reburial of partially individuated human remains.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
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Neoconservative Hunters and Terrorist Vampires in Joe Ahearne‘s Ultraviolet (1998)
David McWilliam

A consideration of the ways in which the discourse of monstrosity, once deployed against a political enemy, closes off open debate and undermine the values of those who argue that the ends needed to defeat them justify any means used. This article explores the parallels between the neoconservative rhetoric of the War on Terror with that of the vampire hunters in Joe Ahearnes television show Ultraviolet (1998), as both deny their enemies the status of political subjects. It offers a reading of the show in light of Slavoj Žižeks call to evaluate the arguments of both sides in such moralised conflicts.

Gothic Studies