East-Central European countries, the Visegrád Four to include the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia, have developed a divergence of approaches to key issues of national defense. Measures of defense capability include size of defense budgets, numbers of persons in the armed forces, and willingness to engage in foreign deployments led by NATO and the EU that act as integrating forces within the region. The communist experiences of earlier decades have acted as legacies that have shaped countries’ post-1989 approaches to national and regional defense. However, the evolution of liberal-democratic patterns and systems have played a meaningful role as well. In spite of those convergence experiences and patterns, divergence among them has characterized their interactions as well. Poland has been more willing to take on regional defense obligations, while the other three have been more reluctant. Since the 2014 Ukrainian Crisis, a strident and divisive nationalism has shaken each of them and modified their approaches to defense issues.
U.S.–India bilateral defense technology trade
and cooperation has been a key indicator of the warming strategic partnership. 1 India has purchased an estimated $18bn of
U.S. defense platforms since 2001, with at least an estimated $5.4bn of acquisitions under
negotiation as of 2019. 2 Major U.S.
defense firms are identifying Indian companies to partner with for co-production and
transfer of leading U.S. technologies. Underlining these markers of progress is the fact
that the U.S. has risen to become
This book is an interpretive history of transatlantic security from the
negotiation of the North Atlantic Treaty in 1948–1949 to the turbulence created
by President Trump, British departure from the European Union (Brexit) and the
COVID-19 pandemic in 2020. The book concludes with analyses of possible futures
for the West and observes “the most disruptive force of all has been the
American presidency of Donald J. Trump. Trump refused to accept virtually all
the political and strategic assumptions on which transatlantic political,
economic, financial, and security relations have been based for 70 years. And,
given the transatlantic alliance’s heavy reliance on American leadership and
involvement, Trump’s lack of commitment has placed huge question marks over the
framework for defense of “the West.”
The United Kingdom’s Lord Palmerston, a nineteenth-century British statesman, famously declared that “Nations have no permanent friends or allies, they only have permanent interests.” Palmerston’s observation stood up well through the mid-twentieth century. However, the persistence of NATO—the leading component of the transatlantic bargain—seems to be challenging Palmerston’s assertion.
Following George Washington’s warning in his farewell address that the United States should avoid permanent foreign alliances, particularly with
When the shackles of communist
ideology and subjugation to the Soviet Union were thrown off, the
initial thrust of defense and security policies of the newly liberated
countries was not toward joining NATO and the EU. 1 Two ideological themes which initially
dominated the post-communist narratives, nationalism and idealistic,
anti-militaristic liberalism, were not friendly to highly
Based on a study of intersecting French archives (those of the Val de
Grâce Hospital, the Service Historique de la Défense and the
Archives Diplomatiques), and with the support of numerous printed sources, this
article focuses on the handling of the bodies of French soldiers who died of
cholera during the Crimean War (1854–56). As a continuation of studies
done by historians Luc Capdevila and Danièle Voldman, the aim here is to
consider how the diseased corpses of these soldiers reveal both the causes and
circumstances of their deaths. Beyond the epidemiological context, these dead
bodies shed light on the sanitary conditions and suffering resulting from years
of military campaigns. To conclude, the article analyses the material traces
left by these dead and the way that the Second Empire used them politically,
giving the remains of leaders who died on the front lines of the cholera
epidemic a triumphant return to the country and a state funeral.
, with an idea of addressing some of the underlying causes, very much the Anglo-American approach. Whereas the francophone approach was much more grounded in the cri du coeur , a moral outrage being expressed. Professionalization and bureaucratization of the organization pushed us to have a logical framework – with goals and targets – to be effective. One sphere was linked to abuses of power, violence against civilians, etc.; the other sphere was a more generic defense of humanitarian law and principles, like ‘don’t bomb hospitals’ and that kind of thing.
The Politics of ‘Proximity’ and Performing Humanitarianism in Eastern DRC
operate ‘mobile clinics’ to provide healthcare to rural areas.
North Kivu has been at the centre of violence in the DRC since the L’Alliance des forces démocratiques pour la libération du Congo (AFDL) invasion in 1996, during the second war between 1998 and 2003 when the province was controlled by the Le Rassemblement congolais pour la démocratie (RCD), the Congrès national pour la défense du people (CNDP) conflict from 2004 to 2009 when the zone was divided between different warring groups, and the Mouvement du 23 mars (M23) conflict which played out from
Gunslinging justice explores American Westerns in a variety of media alongside the historical development of the American legal system to argue that Western shootouts are less overtly ‘anti-law’ than has been previously assumed. While the genre’s climactic shootouts may look like a putatively masculine opposition to the codified and mediated American legal system, this gun violence is actually enshrined in the development of American laws regulating self-defense and gun possession. The climactic gun violence and stylized revenge drama of seminal Western texts then, seeks not to oppose ‘the law,’ but rather to expand its scope. The book’s interdisciplinary approach, which seeks to historicize and contextualize the iconographic tropes of the genre and its associated discourses across varied cultural and social forms, breaks from psychoanalytic perspectives which have long dominated studies of film and legal discourse and occluded historical contingencies integral to the work cultural forms do in the world. From nineteenth-century texts like Cooper’s The Last of the Mohicans (1826) and Reconstruction-era dime novels, through early twentieth-century works like The Virginian, to classic Westerns and more recent films like Unforgiven (1992), this book looks to the intersections between American law and various media that have enabled a cultural, social, and political acceptance of defensive gun violence that is still with us today.
Will Brexit reinforce or weaken EU security and defense policies? Opinions are divided.
A nation with substantial military and diplomatic resources, the UK has traditionally played a prominent role in European defense. Despite cuts in recent years, the UK remains Europe’s largest defense spender and had planned before Brexit to further increase spending in coming years. This includes a commitment to meet the NATO target of spending 2 percent of GDP on defense, increasing the defense budget by 0.5 percent annually to 2020–2021. In addition, the