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During the Second World War, a striking sense of fear permeated imperial discussions of the likely consequences of the demobilization of colonial troops. Some officials were concerned that the anti-German attitudes that the military had cultivated among colonial troops would rebound against whites as a whole. ‘Having been encouraged to hate one branch of the white race
Recovery Fund – Round 3: UN Joint Stabilization Programmes . South Sudan Recovery Fund, Outcome Evaluation August 2015 . UN Women . ( 2012 ), Sudan and South Sudan Programme Evaluation Report: Building Capacities for Gender Equality and Protection of Women’s Rights in Sudan 2008–2011 . UN Women June 2012 . UNDP . ( 2012 ), Evaluation of Sudan Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) Programme . United Nations Development Programme Sudan Final Report November 2012 . UNDP . ( 2013 ), Final Evaluation of Disarmament
Postscript Grace McDougall’s memoir ‘Five Years with the Allies’ ends with the following reflection: There is a statue in Calais, well known to FANYs, called ‘The Brave Boys of Calais’, and if ever a millionaire has money to chuck about he could do worse than put up a statue in Calais, with a FANY in khaki on top and a motor ambulance in bas-relief, and engrave it with these names, as the khaki girls of Calais!1 At this transitional historical moment when the ‘khaki girls’ were demobilized, the future for the Corps was somewhat uncertain. They did not receive
those times there were the peace camps, which were done in the neighborhoods. I began to get involved and I stayed. I stayed living in the camp, and I never left until [year]. I was one of the last ones to demobilize. (C23) Catalina was very young when she joined M-19, and in her case it was not a considered decision: “My political interest was born, born at the moment when I decided to join the M-19” (C18). Similarly, Celestina was not political before she
This book provides a critical exposition of the international law concerning child soldiers. It starts by looking at the situation of child soldiers in the world today, examining why children are recruited into armed forces and groups; why they volunteer for military service; and, once recruited, what treatment they receive. The book explores how perceptions of childhood and children's rights have changed, and how this has affected the ways in which child soldiers have been treated. It describes the activities of the United Nations with regard to the child soldier phenomenon. The book examines the legal regulation of the recruitment and use of children in hostilities. It shows that although international law comprehensively regulates the recruitment and use of child soldiers, owing to the plethora of treaties on the subject, states' obligations continue to differ and children can still lawfully be recruited and used to participate in armed conflict. The book discusses how, once recruited into armed forces and groups, international law treats child soldiers. It considers the status of child soldiers as combatants and as persons in the power of an adverse party in both international and internal armed conflicts, and states' obligations with regard the disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration of child soldiers. An unusual feature of how child soldiers are viewed is that they are often seen as both victims of human rights abuses and as human rights violators. Finally, the book examines the extent to which the recruitment and use of child soldiers is an international crime.
, urged: States and all other parties to armed conflict to adopt all necessary measures to end the use of children as soldiers and to ensure their demobilization and reintegration into society, including through adequate education and training, in a manner that fosters their self-respect and dignity, and
great friendships will be broken up’.2 In this way, although most common was this joy implicit in the end of such a bloody war that had disrupted and taken the lives of thousands of people, many FANY knew they would miss the fun and friendship shared by living and loving together and feared their loss of independence. This is illustrated by the fact that when most of the units were demobilized in 1919 and many FANY returned to England, a substantial number of FANY volunteers stayed in Europe, reconstituted into new units to help with various Civil Relief schemes
conditions? This chapter addresses this question from a political opportunity (PO) perspective by analyzing existent countylevel political opportunities and their relationship to the concentration of anarchist organizations. Surprisingly, we see that countries with more political opportunities also have greater organizational density. Using historical narratives from present-day anarchist movement literature (recorded in A-Infos), I also note various events and phenomena in the last two centuries and their relevance to the mobilization and demobilization of anarchist
, Review of the Literature on Republican and Loyalist Ex-prisoners (Colerain: University of Ulster, Transitional Justice Institute, 2011). 6 A. Özerdem, ‘Disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration of former combatants in Afghanistan: Lessons learned from a cross-cultural perspective’, Third World Quarterly, 23:5 (2002), 961–75. 7 L. Banholzer, ‘When do disarmament, demobilization and reintegration programmes succeed?’ DIE Discussion Papers 8 (2014), 9. 8 C. Bragg, ‘Challenges to policy and practice in disarmament, demobilization, reintegration and rehabilitation
networks – interact with the former combatants’ choice to participate in politics or not. This political (de)mobilization can be defined as a shift in the degree of a person's political participation, or activity, and political interest. The book adopts a broad definition of political participation, in order to get a sense of the totality of former combatants’ political engagement with their surrounding societies and the extent of their political voice (Söderström 2011b , p. 59, 2015 , p. 14). This broad definition allows us to take in shifts over time as well as