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The politics of fear in Eastern Germany
Authors: Rebecca Pates and Julia Leser

Since 1990 the wolf has been a protected species in Germany; killing a wolf is a crime punishable by a prison sentence of up to five years. In Eastern Germany, where the political ground is shifting to the right, locals argue that the wolves are not German but Western Polish, undeserving of protection since they have invaded Saxon territory and threatened the local way of life. Many people in Eastern Germany feel that the wolf, like the migrant, has been a problem for years, but that nobody in power is listening to them. At a time when nationalist parties are on the rise everywhere in Europe, The wolves are coming back offers an insight into the rise of Eastern German fringe political movements and agitation against both migrants and wolves by hunters, farmers, rioters and self-appointed saviours of the nation. The nationalist Alternative for Germany (AfD) represents the third-largest party in the German federal parliament, with representation in the vast majority of German states. It draws much of its support from regions that have been referred to as the ‘post-traumatic places’ in Eastern Germany, structured by realities of disownment, disenfranchisement and a lack of democratic infrastructure. Pates and Leser provide an account of the societal roots of a new group of radical right parties, whose existence and success we always assumed to be impossible.

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Penny Summerfield and Corinna Peniston-Bird

research. Was the Home Guard a radical or even, potentially, a revolutionary organisation? George Orwell and Tom Wintringham imagined it to be so: for them the huge flood of volunteers in the first four weeks not only expressed an unprecedented determination to defy a totalitarian 276 Conclusion power, but demonstrated a new form of popular democracy in action. Wintringham was not alone in likening the Home Guard to the People’s Militia which had taken up the Republican cause against the Francoist Right in the Spanish Civil War. Both Orwell and Wintringham believed that

in Contesting home defence
Matt Qvortrup

–123 . 42 David Farrell , Eoin O’Malley and Jane Suiter , “Deliberative democracy in action Irish-style: The 2011 we the citizens’ assembly” , Irish Political Studies 28 ( 1 ) ( 2013 ), pp. 99–113 (p. 102

in Democracy on demand
Alireza F. Farahani and Azadeh Hadizadeh Esfahani

individual votes to represent the people. While there have been some innovations to the ways in which representatives are selected (e.g. electoral systems, weighted representations and representative shares), they are nevertheless based on the same logic. The degree of association between representational democracy and (big-D) development shows that democracy and development are not necessarily correlated ( Przeworski, 2000 ). A deeper look at representational democracy illustrates that such versions of democracy in action are often not far from an oligarchy

in The power of pragmatism
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Jeffrey Richards

Paine (Claude Rains) in the White House. Smith is framed and faced with imprisonment but makes a twenty-three-and-a-half-hour speech to the Senate which eventually prompts Paine to confess his guilt and expose the corruption. The climactic Senate scenes are reported on the radio with the respected political commentator H.V. Kaltenborn, playing himself, as he explains the nature of a ‘filibuster’ – ‘democracy in action’ – and charts the progress of the debate

in Cinema and radio in Britain and America, 1920–60
Duncan Watts

people – such as the referendum, the initiative and the recall – are practical demonstrations of direct democracy in action in the United States. As we have seen on p. 00, there are deficiencies in the way referendums operate, but America has gone much further in countenancing their use not just to decide constitutional matters, but also a range of social and economic issues. More unusual and distinctly American is the use of the town meeting in small rural areas of New England. Originally, such meetings were vehicles through which the mainly Puritan religious leaders

in Understanding US/UK government and politics
Jesse Adams Stein

1950s and 1960s this solid, chunky building was viewed as a form of modern democracy in action. It was respected for its technological displays of efficiency, reliability, trustworthiness and governmental authority. It was the location where law became law, through its tangible creation in print on paper. The space itself seemed to say ‘we value your work’. Workers were not always convinced, however, and they revelled in telling stories of how things were wrong with the building. Despite the Gov being designed along functional lines, there were many elements in its

in Hot metal
The making of early English ‘Bombay’
Philip J. Stern

that made it near impossible for Goa to continue its claims to religious and political jurisdiction at Bombay. This was hardly democracy in action, nor did it recognise an unmitigated right to self-rule. In some respects, it re-inscribed existing hierarchies, premised as it was upon the notion that there were principal residents literally and figuratively rooted and vested in the island. From this followed Aungier’s even more famous attempts to organise the island into particular districts and divisions, employing a variety of legal concepts: the Anglo-Saxon hundred

in Making the British empire, 1660–1800
John K. Walton

democracy in action. This might also be expressed in terms of exchanges between the global, as embodied in London as the beating heart of the British Empire (but with few European contributions), and the local, whether based on Brighton’s immediate hinterland in the predominantly rural county of Sussex, or on excursionists by rail from parochial London working-class neighbourhoods.28 Despite its persuasive presentation and its wide acclaim, Shield’s account of Brighton and its beach as marginal space and a site of cultural exchange raises some serious problems.29 In the

in Leisure cultures in urban Europe, c.1700–1870
Colin Copus

party and not the voters that have the last word.’ Indeed, as I (Copus 2004: 42) have described it, the party person places the party at the centre of his or her assumptive world. For them, the party is: Not just a vehicle to secure election (although it has that potential role), it is the only vehicle through which politics can effectively and legitimately be conducted. Moreover, it is also the place where politics and representation is conducted and the only body which can genuinely claim to be ‘representative’; the party is local democracy in action. The

in In defence of councillors