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Israelis memorialising the Palestinian Nakba
Author: Ronit Lentin

The 1948 war that led to the creation of the State of Israel also resulted in the destruction of Palestinian society, when some 80 per cent of the Palestinians who lived in the major part of Palestine upon which Israel was established became refugees. Israelis call the 1948 war their ‘War of Independence’ and the Palestinians their ‘Nakba’, or catastrophe. After many years of Nakba denial, land appropriation, political discrimination against the Palestinians within Israel and the denial of rights to Palestinian refugees, in recent years the Nakba is beginning to penetrate Israeli public discourse. This book explores the construction of collective memory in Israeli society, where the memory of the trauma of the Holocaust and of Israel's war dead competes with the memory claims of the dispossessed Palestinians. Taking an auto-ethnographic approach, it makes a contribution to social memory studies through a critical evaluation of the co-memoration of the Palestinian Nakba by Israeli Jews. Against a background of the Israeli resistance movement, the book's central argument is that co-memorating the Nakba by Israeli Jews is motivated by an unresolved melancholia about the disappearance of Palestine and the dispossession of the Palestinians, a melancholia which shifts mourning from the lost object to the grieving subject. The book theorises Nakba co-memory as a politics of resistance, counterpoising co-memorative practices by internally displaced Israeli Palestinians with Israeli Jewish discourses of the Palestinian right of return, and questions whether return narratives by Israeli Jews are ultimately about Israeli Jewish self-healing.

Open Access (free)
The Algerian war and the ‘emancipation’ of Muslim women, 1954–62
Author: Neil Macmaster

In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.

A narrative of ‘them and ‘us’
Roger Zetter

threat of death may be as great in seeking entry as it is in leaving a country where one was persecuted or caught up in conflict. But criminalising this process of seeking asylum is a denial of rights and a denial of a moral obligation of the receiving state. We want asylum seekers to be constructed as stereotypical victims, but when they do not conform to this stereotype, or when they arrive ‘illegally’, we designate them opportunists with no call on our moral obligations. Borders are thus privileged over humanitarian needs and obligations. But the situation I outline

in Incarceration and human rights
Article 27 and other global standards on minority rights
Patrick Thornberry

interference can be regarded as a denial of rights, that: ‘not every measure and every effect of it, which in some way alters the previous conditions, can be construed as adverse interference in the rights of minorities’.131 The reading of the Ominayak case by the authors to the effect that even minor measures obstructing or impairing reindeer husbandry violated Article 27 was rejected by Finland,132 who also denied any equivalent issue of historical inequities in the Ominayak sense.133 It was also claimed that ‘States enjoy a certain degree of discretion in the application

in Indigenous peoples and human rights
Allyn Fives

’Neill, children are dependent on adults, and unavoidably and rightly so. That is, children’s dependence on adults is not analogous to the Caretaker or liberator?41 dependence of oppressed groups. For example, women and minorities have sought ‘recognition and respect for capacities for rational and independent life and action that are demonstrably there and thwarted by the denial of rights’ (ibid., p. 202). Children are different, because such capacities are not demonstrably there and are not thwarted by the denial of rights: ‘Younger children are completely and unavoidably

in Evaluating parental power
David Owen

) We can link this argument back to Dahl's and Cristiano's argument that the denial of rights of membership of the legislative demos will almost inevitably lead to one's life being shaped and constrained by “other people's understanding of what is valuable and worth doing” even if they are making good faith efforts to acknowledge one's own interests. Angeli's second step is to note that this is particularly problematic in respect of coercive

in Democratic inclusion
Making environmental security ‘critical’ in the Asia-Pacific
Lorraine Elliott

, and in social exclusion and the denial of rights where ‘human beings suffer in their dignity through not being granted the moral rights and responsibilities of a full legal person within their own community’ ( Honneth, 2001 : 49). Environmental harm arises in part through the costs to life and health associated with environmental degradation and unsustainable development. But it

in Critical Security in the Asia-Pacific
Conflict, displacement and human security in Burma (Myanmar)
Hazel J. Lang

). 5 For the USCR ( 2004 : 13, 38), the term ‘refugee warehousing’ is defined not so much by the passage of time as the denial of rights. 6 For a listing of Burma’s vast array of insurgent groups and splinter factions – in cease-fires and not in ceasefires – see

in Critical Security in the Asia-Pacific
Open Access (free)
Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd

exploitation of animals somehow weakens the moral restraints placed on humans not to abuse and exploit other people. They often identify a close link between the denial of rights for animals, especially the higher primates such as chimps and gorillas, and the denial of full and equal rights to some classifications of humans on the spurious bases of race, gender, sexual orientation and disability. Many

in Understanding political ideas and movements
The case of the New Zealand Native Land Purchase Ordinance of 1846
John C. Weaver

teeth into the doctrine of the jealous sovereign and British interpretation of the power of Crown pre-emption found in the treaty. It made proscribed transactions unenforceable in law. 13 This denial of rights would so inconvenience buyers and tenants, it was hoped, that they would forsake these forbidden practices. The ordinance did increase risks for squatting graziers

in Law, history, colonialism