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Vicki Squire, Nina Perkowski, Dallal Stevens, and Nick Vaughan-Williams

practices designed to discourage unauthorised migration to the EU (see Introduction). Such an approach assumes the effectiveness of deterrence in stymieing ‘undesirable’ forms of migration at source, and in changing the behaviour of people on the move in precarious conditions. This chapter draws on our migratory testimonies in order to problematise these core assumptions and highlight the ineffectiveness of the deterrence paradigm. In so doing, it emphasises the ways in which deterrence involves practices of racialised violence that reflect long-standing colonial

in Reclaiming migration
US nuclear weapons and alliances in Europe and Asia

From the start of the Cold War to the presidency of Donald Trump, nuclear weapons have been central to the internal dynamics of US alliances in Europe and Asia. But cooperation on policy, strategy, posture and deployment of US nuclear weapons has varied significantly between US alliances and over time. Partners in Deterrence goes beyond traditional accounts that focus on deterrence and reassurance in US nuclear policy, and instead places the objectives and influence of US allies at the centre of analysis. Through a series of case studies informed by a rigorous analytical framework, it reveals that US allies have wielded significant influence in shaping nuclear weapons cooperation with the US in ways that reflect their own, often idiosyncratic, objectives. Combining in-depth empirical analysis with an accessible theoretical lens, Partners in Deterrence provides important lessons for contemporary policy makers and makes an essential contribution to existing scholarship on alliances and nuclear weapons.

for government that is prevalent in more than just the agriculture domain. The same frustrations appear perennially across Whitehall but there is no cross-government remedial action plan. In the absence of avenues for a genuinely open, influential debate on nuclear policy, it is striking that, as far as I can establish, no British prime minister has ever made a major speech on nuclear deterrence outside Parliamentary debate. Every French president since De Gaulle has made a keynote speech on ‘their’ nuclear deterrence policy

in Supreme emergency
Tim Aistrope

of deterrence, and that Iraq was already in collaboration with Al-Qaeda. Yet the account given above, concerning the influence of orientalist narratives about democratic transformation, suggests that other policy ambitions were at play in the drive towards war. Indeed, even before 9/11 or the advice of Lewis and others, regime change in Iraq was a key administration priority

in Conspiracy theory and American foreign policy

August 1945. For the victorious Allies, there was no question that the atomic bombs had caused the capitulation. 2 Attlee intuitively understood the central premise of deterrence. In August 1945, he wrote to the Cabinet ‘[t]he answer to an atomic bomb on London is an atomic bomb on another great city … Even the modern conception of war to which in my lifetime we have become accustomed is now completely out of date.’ 3 A month later he wrote to President Truman in much the same vein: ‘I have so far heard no suggestion of any

in Supreme emergency
Voices from Europe’s ‘migrant crisis’

Reclaiming Migration critically assesses the EU’s migration policy agenda by directly engaging the voices of Europe’s so-called migrant crisis that otherwise remain unheard: those of people on the move. It undertakes an extensive analysis of a counter-archive of testimonies co-produced with people migrating across the Mediterranean during 2015 and 2016, to document the ways in which EU policy developments both produce and perpetuate the precarity of those migrating under perilous conditions. The book shows how testimonies based on lived experiences of travelling to – and arriving in – the EU draw attention to the flawed assumptions embedded in the deterrence paradigm and policies of anti-smuggling; in protection mechanisms and asylum procedures that rely on simplistic understandings of the migratory journey; and in the EU’s self-projection as a place of human rights and humanitarianism. Yet, it also goes further to reveal how experiences of precarity, which such policies give rise to, are inseparable from claims for justice that are advanced by people on the move, who collectively provide a damning critique of the EU policy agenda. Reclaiming Migration develops a distinctive ‘anti-crisis’ approach to the analysis of migratory politics and shows how migration forms part of a broader movement that challenges the injustices of Europe’s ‘postcolonial present’. Written collectively by a team of esteemed scholars from across multiple disciplines, the book serves as an important contribution to debates in migration, border and refugee studies, as well as more widely to debates about postcolonialism and the politics of knowledge production.

The Law and Politics of Responding to Attacks against Aid Workers
Julia Brooks and Rob Grace

security management in humanitarian operations, lays out three approaches ( Figure 1 ). One approach is ‘acceptance’, which entails developing and maintaining positive relationships with communities and stakeholders, focusing on undertaking impactful, ‘principled humanitarian action’. A second approach is ‘deterrence’, or containing a threat with a counter-threat, for example, through armed guards, military escorts or diplomatic reprisals. A third approach is ‘protection’, or reducing vulnerabilities to any attacks that might occur, for example, through security training

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Emmanuelle Strub

worked for the same organisation. My first task in standardising practices and strengthening the overall security-management framework within the organisation was to create an annual training for heads of mission and programme managers. The training had three goals: ensure a common understanding of security-related terms (What is a threat? And a risk? What do we mean by acceptance strategy? Protection? Deterrence?), learn when and how to use the tools

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Staff Security and Civilian Protection in the Humanitarian Sector
Miriam Bradley

security more broadly, commonly distinguishes three types of strategy: acceptance, deterrence and protection ( Egeland et al. , 2011 ; Humanitarian Practice Network, 2010 ). Acceptance aims to reduce the threat through soft measures, such as building relationships with local communities and stakeholders to obtain their consent for the agency’s presence and work ( Humanitarian Practice Network, 2010 : xv). Deterrence, by contrast, ‘attempts to deter a

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order
Stephen Hopgood

torture your citizens if you do not kill or torture ours. That is, the principle of reciprocity. 2 A classic example is prisoner protection. If you torture enemy combatants you have captured, your enemy will do the same to your POWs. The same logic goes for using chemical weapons and even nuclear weapons. This is how mutual deterrence works. This fits fully with the demands of sovereignty. Agreements that work meet the interests of both parties. This depends, of course, on the existence of a reasonable parity of capacity between states

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs