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John Cunningham

13 Anglo-Irish diplomatic relations and the British Labour Party, 1981–94 Melinda Sutton ‘The Opposition have put forward proposals for advancing towards a united Ireland. We believe that that is the right course that we should travel.’1 With these words, the Labour Party leader, Michael Foot, heralded his party’s commitment to the pursuit of Irish unification by consent, a policy that was welcomed by the Irish government in 1981.2 In the absence of majority consent to unification, Labour sought improvements in Anglo-Irish relations and the expansion of the Irish

in The British Labour Party and twentieth-century Ireland
Espionage, terrorism and diplomacy

This book is an in-depth examination of the relations between Ireland and the former German Democratic Republic (GDR, or East Germany) between the end of the Second World War and the fall of the Berlin Wall. It explores political, diplomatic, economic, media and cultural issues. Before embarking upon the journey in the archives of the Stasi, it is necessary to give a picture on the relations between Ireland and the GDR to set the scene. The first part of the book is an analysis of the political, economic and cultural links between the two countries, and also perceptions and portrayals by the media. The second part is devoted to the long and extraordinary process of establishing diplomatic relations between Ireland and the GDR. It focuses on intelligence activities. The activities include: reading and listening about Ireland and Northern Ireland; spying on Ireland; and recording information on Northern Ireland in the central databank for persons. They also include: watching the Provisional Irish Republican Army, the Irish National Liberation Army and British Army of the Rhine. Thus, documents and findings are presented in a rather thematic way, except the history of Irish terrorist activities in West Germany. This approach has the advantage of showing how an intelligence service actually operates.

Third edition
Author: Leslie C. Green

It has been accepted since antiquity that some restraint should be observed during armed conflict. This book examines the apparent dichotomy and introduces any study of the law of armed conflict by considering the nature and legality of war. The purpose of what is known as the law of armed conflict or, more commonly, the law of war is to reduce the horrors inherent therein to the greatest extent possible, bearing in mind the political purpose for which the war is fought, namely to achieve one's policies over one's enemies. The discussion on the history and sources of the law of armed conflict pays most attention to warfare on land because that is the region for which most agreements have been drawn up, although attention has been accorded to both aerial and naval warfare where it has been considered necessary. Traditionally, international law was divided into the law of war and the law of peace, with no intermediate stage between. Although diplomatic relations between belligerents are normally severed once a conflict has commenced, there remain a number of issues, not all of which are concerned with their inter-belligerent relations, which require them to remain in contact. War crimes are violations of the and customs of the law of armed conflict and are punishable whether committed by combatants or civilians, including the nationals of neutral states. The book also talks about the rights and duties of the Occupying Power, civil defence, branches of international law and prisoners of war.

Leslie C. Green

Background In peacetime, when diplomatic relations are broken off between two countries, or when one is not represented in the territory of the other, the normal practice is for the unrepresented one to nominate a third state acceptable to the recipient to represent its interests and protect its nationals in the recipient’s territory. 2 Occasionally both states may request

in The contemporary law of armed conflict
Abstract only
Mervyn O’Driscoll

31 2 Honeymoon In the light of Ireland’s neutrality and post-​war humanitarianism, relations between the FRG and Ireland commenced on encouraging terms. Ireland also supported West Germany’s reincorporation and inclusion as a normal state in international society after 1949. There were several additional portents that a close relationship was in the offing including the intensification of cultural, religious and sporting links. Other positive signs included the seriousness both governments attached to the speedy establishment of diplomatic relations and the

in Ireland, West Germany and the New Europe, 1949– 73
Joseph Heller

decision to establish diplomatic relations with West Germany, noting that the Soviets dealt with the German industrial firm Krupp despite its pro-Nazi past, yet Israel had to apologize for buying arms from West Germany. The arms the West was providing to West Germany and Israel were defensive. The Arab countries severed their relations with West Germany after it established diplomatic relations with Israel in May 1965. The

in The United States, the Soviet Union and the Arab– Israeli conflict, 1948– 67
English mercantile and diplomatic encounters with Russia, 1553–88
Felicity Jane Stout

problem of securing civil treatment for their merchants and ambassadors from a people they perceived to be ‘barbarous’; maintaining the civility and commonwealth structures of Englishmen living in a savage land; and continuing profitable mercantile and diplomatic relations between the two, despite the illicit private trading of interlopers and the company’s own members. An examination of the extant Muscovy Company accounts reveals the important discussions of order, honour and obedience and in contrast, disorder, dishonour and disobedience that pervade English first

in Exploring Russia in the Elizabethan commonwealth
Joseph Heller

’s actions, and informed Washington it was interested in peace. 39 The Soviet Union broke off diplomatic relations with Israel on June 10, not a surprise considering the blow that Israel had just dealt to Egypt. Chuvakhin asked when the IDF intended to prove it sought peace by withdrawing from Syria. The Soviet ambassador warned that if Israel did not withdraw it would bear the consequences. 40 Israeli

in The United States, the Soviet Union and the Arab– Israeli conflict, 1948– 67
Brian Hanley

is a place for you’.78 ‘Financial, moral and all other necessary support’ The Union of Students in Ireland (USI) called for the government to suspend diplomatic relations with Britain, and the Ballymun Tenants Association was one of several bodies calling for a boycott of British goods.79 There were pickets on British banks and calls for protest strikes from, among others, the Lifford Labour party and several union branches.80 Dozens of local councils unanimously passed motions condemning internment and demanding action by the government.81 After passing a

in The impact of the Troubles on the Republic of Ireland, 1968–79
Stuart Horsman

riverine water is the environmental issue most liable to lead to war in the region, such an outcome remains improbable for a number of reasons, some related to water and others not. Water’s security implications principally fall within the wider conceptualisation of security – as an indirect or contributory cause to instability. Poor water management affects diplomatic relations, economic development, public health and access to land. Thus, while interstate war directly associated with water disputes is not likely to take place in the near future, it is expedient to

in Limiting institutions?