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politics. Scholarship on the history of transatlantic relations tends to focus on political domains, particularly on foreign and security policy, and on economic and fiscal policy. Dominated by diplomatic history approaches, historical scholarship on the period after the 1970s has concentrated on government negotiations and conflicts between the United States and Europe as well as on decision-making processes, crisis management, bilateral and multilateral diplomacy, and international summits and agreements. Further, historians examine cultural exchange, public diplomacy
This book examines how intangible aspects of international relations – including identity, memory, representation, and symbolic perception – have helped to stimulate and sustain the Anglo-American special relationship. Drawing together world-leading and emergent scholars, this volume breaks new ground by applying the theories and methodologies of the ‘cultural turn’ in diplomatic history to the study of Anglo-American relations. It contends that matters of culture have been far more important to the special relationship than previously allowed in a field hitherto dominated by interest-based interpretations of American and British foreign policies. Fresh analyses of cultural symbols, discourses, and ideologies fill important gaps in our collective understanding of the special relationship’s operation and expose new analytical spaces in which we can re-evaluate its strengths and weaknesses. Designed to breathe new life into old debates about the relationship’s purported specialness, this book offers a multidisciplinary exploration of literary representations, screen representations, political representations, representations in memory, and the roles of cultural connections and constructs that have historically influenced elite decision-making and sculpted popular attitudes toward and expectations of the special relationship. This book will be of particular interest to students and informed readers of Anglo-American relations, foreign policy, and diplomatic history, as well as all those who are interested in the power of culture to impact international relations.
This is not a traditional international relations text that deals with war, trade or power politics. Instead, this book offers an analysis of the social, cultural and intellectual aspects of diplomatic life in the age of the Enlightenment and the French Revolution. The book illustrates several modes of Britain's engagement with Europe, whether political, artistic, scientific, literary or cultural. The book consults a wide range of sources for the study including the private and official papers of fifty men and women in the British diplomatic service. Attention is given to topics rarely covered in diplomatic history such as the work and experiences of women and issues of national, regional and European identity.
, 49 : 2 , 167 – 96 . Cronje , S. ( 1972 ), The World and Nigeria: The Diplomatic History of the Biafran War, 1967–1970 ( London : Sidgwick & Jackson ). Daly , J. A. and Saville , A. G. ( 1971
the special relationship than previously allowed. This introduction contextualizes the substance of our edited volume in three sections. The first section locates the book within important debates about the history of the special relationship and illuminates why an expanded consideration of culture is important to the field. The second section introduces the main ideas and benefits of the ‘cultural turn’ in diplomatic history and international relations, which has operationalized culture as a key to understanding the behavior of states in the global system and
concept of the ‘new world order’ (NWO) was chosen as the vehicle of this ambition, for reasons that I hope to make clear in this Introduction and in the book as a whole. By choosing to show the genealogy of the term since 1914, this book tries to cut the onion of international relations in two ways that should be complementary. The first five chapters are a review of both the diplomatic history and contemporaneous literature about the genesis of the NWOs of the twentieth century. They first examine both the motivations and actions of the principal political actors and
great and victorious army, and carry all along before him’.90 The political significance of the colleges to Jacobitism needs to be recognised and placed into the wider context of diplomatic history. It was not, as some have argued, a diversion from the colleges’ true, educational mission. Tom McInally has described Innes’s appointment as king’s almoner as a ‘distraction’, which damaged the educational provision of the Paris college. However, it is possible to argue that it was precisely appointments like this that constituted some of the college’s greatest successes
. 28 R. Albrecht-Carrié, A Diplomatic History of Europe Since the Congress of Vienna (London: Methuen, 1958), 40. 29 According to a Prussian mémoire (whose author was the historian Ancillon) the Sultan’s despotism was a travesty of government and no duty existed to obey it by the Greeks. See A. von Prokesch-Osten, Istoria tis epanastaseos ton Ellinon kata tou Othomanikou kratous en
Can private citizens serve as self-appointed peacemakers and influence diplomatic relations between parties to a conflict? The book analyzes the international phenomenon of private peace entrepreneurs (PPEs) – private citizens with no official authority who initiate channels of communication with official representatives from the other side of a conflict in order to promote a conflict resolution process. It combines theoretical discussion with historical analysis, examining four cases from different conflicts: Norman Cousins and Suzanne Massie in the Cold War, Brendan Duddy in the Northern Ireland conflict, and Uri Avnery in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. The book defines the phenomenon, examines the resources and activities of private peace entrepreneurs and their impact on the official diplomacy, and explores the conditions under which they can play an effective role in peacemaking processes.
The book highlights the ability of private individual citizens – who are not politicians, diplomats, or military leaders – to operate as influential actors in international politics in general, and in peace processes in particular. Although the history of internal and international conflicts reveals many cases of private peace entrepreneurs, some of whom played a critical role in conflict resolution efforts, the literature has yet to give this important phenomenon the attention it deserves. The book aims to fill this gap, contributing to the scholarship on conflict and peace, diplomacy, and civil society. It also makes a historiographical contribution by shedding light on figures excluded from the history textbooks, and it offers an alternative perspective to traditional narratives concerning the diplomatic history of the conflicts.