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and pulled out from under the table a wooden Great Seal of the United States, which had been presented to the US embassy in Moscow by the Soviet-American Friendship Society’, and contained a bugging device. 827 Yet – and even though espionage was a widespread practice at the time of its drafting – the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations (VCDR) does not expressly tackle
13 Anglo-Irish diplomatic relations and the British Labour Party, 1981–94 Melinda Sutton ‘The Opposition have put forward proposals for advancing towards a united Ireland. We believe that that is the right course that we should travel.’1 With these words, the Labour Party leader, Michael Foot, heralded his party’s commitment to the pursuit of Irish unification by consent, a policy that was welcomed by the Irish government in 1981.2 In the absence of majority consent to unification, Labour sought improvements in Anglo-Irish relations and the expansion of the Irish
This book is an in-depth examination of the relations between Ireland and the former German Democratic Republic (GDR, or East Germany) between the end of the Second World War and the fall of the Berlin Wall. It explores political, diplomatic, economic, media and cultural issues. Before embarking upon the journey in the archives of the Stasi, it is necessary to give a picture on the relations between Ireland and the GDR to set the scene. The first part of the book is an analysis of the political, economic and cultural links between the two countries, and also perceptions and portrayals by the media. The second part is devoted to the long and extraordinary process of establishing diplomatic relations between Ireland and the GDR. It focuses on intelligence activities. The activities include: reading and listening about Ireland and Northern Ireland; spying on Ireland; and recording information on Northern Ireland in the central databank for persons. They also include: watching the Provisional Irish Republican Army, the Irish National Liberation Army and British Army of the Rhine. Thus, documents and findings are presented in a rather thematic way, except the history of Irish terrorist activities in West Germany. This approach has the advantage of showing how an intelligence service actually operates.
It has been accepted since antiquity that some restraint should be observed during armed conflict. This book examines the apparent dichotomy and introduces any study of the law of armed conflict by considering the nature and legality of war. The purpose of what is known as the law of armed conflict or, more commonly, the law of war is to reduce the horrors inherent therein to the greatest extent possible, bearing in mind the political purpose for which the war is fought, namely to achieve one's policies over one's enemies. The discussion on the history and sources of the law of armed conflict pays most attention to warfare on land because that is the region for which most agreements have been drawn up, although attention has been accorded to both aerial and naval warfare where it has been considered necessary. Traditionally, international law was divided into the law of war and the law of peace, with no intermediate stage between. Although diplomatic relations between belligerents are normally severed once a conflict has commenced, there remain a number of issues, not all of which are concerned with their inter-belligerent relations, which require them to remain in contact. War crimes are violations of the and customs of the law of armed conflict and are punishable whether committed by combatants or civilians, including the nationals of neutral states. The book also talks about the rights and duties of the Occupying Power, civil defence, branches of international law and prisoners of war.
Originally established in 1953 as a humble operation concerned solely with reparations, under the leadership of Felix Shinnar the Israeli mission in Cologne gradually took on a much more significant role. Slowly but surely, Shinnar laboured to get direct and privileged access to the highest echelons of West Germany’s foreign policy, with the ultimate goal of establishing full diplomatic relations between Israel and the FRG. By 1958, Chancellor Adenauer, Foreign Minister von Brentano, and many other leading FRG representatives from across the political spectrum
ever to outspend the GDR and avoid any financial blackmail by Egypt, claimed Bonn’s diplomats. 6 The Foreign Office also recommended extreme care when discussing the option of breaking off diplomatic relations with Egypt. Veteran diplomat Herbert Müller-Roschach, who in 1957 had handled Bonn’s break in relations with Yugoslavia, 7 stressed that only in the event that Nasser established diplomatic relations with East Berlin could Bonn claim to have a reason to break off relations with Egypt. 8 Having been close to recognition on the part of non-aligned countries
Background In peacetime, when diplomatic relations are broken off between two countries, or when one is not represented in the territory of the other, the normal practice is for the unrepresented one to nominate a third state acceptable to the recipient to represent its interests and protect its nationals in the recipient’s territory. 2 Occasionally both states may request
31 2 Honeymoon In the light of Ireland’s neutrality and post-war humanitarianism, relations between the FRG and Ireland commenced on encouraging terms. Ireland also supported West Germany’s reincorporation and inclusion as a normal state in international society after 1949. There were several additional portents that a close relationship was in the offing including the intensification of cultural, religious and sporting links. Other positive signs included the seriousness both governments attached to the speedy establishment of diplomatic relations and the
decision to establish diplomatic relations with West Germany, noting that the Soviets dealt with the German industrial firm Krupp despite its pro-Nazi past, yet Israel had to apologize for buying arms from West Germany. The arms the West was providing to West Germany and Israel were defensive. The Arab countries severed their relations with West Germany after it established diplomatic relations with Israel in May 1965. The
problem of securing civil treatment for their merchants and ambassadors from a people they perceived to be ‘barbarous’; maintaining the civility and commonwealth structures of Englishmen living in a savage land; and continuing profitable mercantile and diplomatic relations between the two, despite the illicit private trading of interlopers and the company’s own members. An examination of the extant Muscovy Company accounts reveals the important discussions of order, honour and obedience and in contrast, disorder, dishonour and disobedience that pervade English first