This book considers how the coverage of Islam and Muslims in the press informs the thoughts and actions of non-Muslims. As media plays an important role in society, analysing its influence(s) on a person’s ideas and conceptualisations of people with another religious persuasion is important. News reports commonly feature stories discussing terrorism, violence, the lack of integration and compatibility, or other unwelcome or irrational behaviour by Muslims and Islam. Yet there is little research on how non-Muslims actually engage with, and are affected by, such reports. To address this gap, a content and discourse analysis of news stories was undertaken; verbal narratives or thoughts and actions of participants were then elicited using interviews and focus groups. The participant accounts point towards the normativity of news stories and their negotiated reception patterns. Individual orientations towards the media as an information source proved to be a significant factor behind the importance of news reports, with individually negotiated personal encounters with Muslims or Islam further affecting the meaning-making process. Participants negotiated media reports to fit their existing outlook on Islam and Muslims. This outlook was constructed through, and simultaneously supported by, news reports about Muslims and Islam. The findings suggest a co-dependency and co-productivity between news reports and participant responses. This research clearly shows that participant responses are (re)productions of local and personal contextuality, where the consequences of socially constructed depictions of Islam and Muslims engage rather than influence individual human thoughts and actions.
Discourses on LGBT asylum in the UK analyses fifteen years of debate, activism and media narrative and examines the way asylum is conceptualized at the crossroads of nationhood, post colonialism and sexual citizenship, reshaping in the process forms of sexual belongings to the nation. Asylum has become a foremost site for the formulation and critique of LGBT human rights. This book intervenes in the ongoing discussion of homonationalism, sheds new light on the limitations of queer liberalism as a political strategy, and questions the prevailing modes of solidarity with queer migrants in the UK. This book employs the methods of Discourse Analysis to study a large corpus encompassing media narratives, policy documents, debates with activists and NGOs, and also counter discourses emerging from art practice. The study of these discourses illuminates the construction of the social problem of LGBT asylum. Doing so, it shows how our understanding of asylum is firmly rooted in the individual stories of migration that are circulated in the media. The book also critiques the exclusionary management of cases by the state, especially in the way the state manufactures the authenticity of queer refugees. Finally, it investigates the affective economy of asylum, assessing critically the role of sympathy and challenging the happy goals of queer liberalism. This book will be essential for researchers and students specializing in refugee studies and queer studies.
France has an established reputation as a country of immigration and has received numerous waves of immigrants from the nineteenth century onwards. This book aims to focus on one of these immigrant groups or, rather, on the French-born descendants of North African immigrants of Muslim origin. It looks at three levels of discourse relating to North African immigrants and their descendants. First, the increasingly politicised issue of immigration in France since the 1980s can be seen as just one level of discourse concerning North African immigrants and their descendants. A second level of discourse can be found in the intellectual debates of the last twenty-five years, which have often taken on a rather ideological character. One of the central ideas underpinning the book is the notion of a disjuncture between the main preoccupations of the public and intellectual debates and the experiences of the people concerned. Therefore, by studying the construction of identity among young people of North African origin, the book aims to concentrate on the register of experience. That is, by adopting an empirical or a 'bottom-up' approach, the apparent disjuncture between the various discourses about young people of North African origin and their experiences can be addressed. The views expressed by the young people themselves can be regarded as the third layer of 'discourse' to be examined in the book.
This book regards Arab Islamism and liberalism as distinct political ideologies with all-encompassing views on the structure and appropriate roles of society and the state. The thesis presented here on the different functions of Israel and Zionism within these two ideologies refers to a protracted period of time. It also establishes several generalizations about the actions of individuals and groups in a vast geographic and linguistic space. The book first offers a chronological overview of the Islamist ideological opposition to Zionism. It portrays the main characteristics of and driving forces behind this resistance and explores the different pragmatic approaches toward Israel that have developed in the various epochs of Islamist thought. The book then discusses Islamist depictions of Zionism and Israel as role models and analyses the reasons for the formation and acceptance of such interpretations. It also offers a chronological overview of the evolution of liberal thought with regard to the Zionist enterprise. It depicts the various perceptions of peace and normalization created within this thought and demonstrates the contradictory ways in which the Arab liberal struggle for freedom and democracy has been intertwined with the Israeli-Arab conflict. Finally, the book discusses liberal interpretations that represent Zionism and Israel as role models, and analyses the reasons for the formation and acceptance of such interpretations.
This book offers a new and critical perspective on the global reconciliation technology by highlighting its contingent and highly political character as an authoritative practice of post-conflict peacebuilding. After retracing the emergence of the reconciliation discourse from South Africa to the global level, the book demonstrates how implementing reconciliation in post-conflict societies is a highly political practice which entails potentially undesirable consequences for the post-conflict societies to which it is deployed. Inquiring into the example of Sierra Leone, the book shows how the reconciliation discourse brings about the marginalization and neutralization of political claims and identities of local populations by producing these societies as being composed of the ‘victims’ and ‘perpetrators’ of past human rights violations which are first and foremost in need of reconciliation and healing.
the emergence of the reconciliation discourse and to critically examine its
performance in global politics, and this chapter sets out to develop the
theoretical framework for this undertaking. Thus, the chapter seeks to
achieve two things. In order to meet its analytical goal, it provides a set
of theoretical concepts that help to reconstruct the emergence and
hegemonisation of powerful discourses. In order to meet its critical goal
The reconciliation discourse that
became hegemonic in South Africa did not remain limited to that country, but
gained a more global reach in the years that followed the South African
transition. From the end of the 1990s onwards the language of
reconciliation, truth-telling and healing penetrated the discussions of
scholars and political practitioners and came to be spoken in numerous
The idea underpinning this book is the notion that there exists a
disjuncture between the public and intellectual discourses surrounding
populations of immigrant origin and their actual experiences. Chapter 1
showed that the public debates of the last thirty years have illustrated
a cultural anxiety which has tended to conceptualise young people of
North African Muslim origin in terms their integration (in)capacities.
The rise of the FN, the various debates about the reform of the Nationality Code, the establishment and recent re-convening of the HCI
‘Cultural difference’, citizenship and
young people: intellectual responses
While it may be exaggerated to argue that young people of North African
origin are simply ‘the products’ of the political and intellectual climate
of the last thirty years, their attitudes will nevertheless have been
informed by the ambient political and intellectual discourses, their
representations and their polemics. In terms of intellectual discourse,
we can distinguish three main areas of academic debate concerning North
African immigration in contemporary France
Islamism and liberalism in the Arab world: some theoretical remarks
Uriya Shavit and Ofir Winter
organization: firstly, they must share similar views regarding
fundamental issues that distinguish them from other groups; secondly,
they must rely on a similar theoretical constitutive foundation; thirdly,
they must engage with ideas articulated by other adherents of their
ideology in a way that acknowledges the similarity of their views. The
attainment of these three conditions may not spare the discussion from
further difficulties, but it does render the reviewer immune from blanket
generalizations and theoretical and analytical detachment.
Zionism in Arab discourses