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Valuing diversity in an empire of many cultures
Diane Robinson-Dunn

Palestine and the subsequent policies regarding Jews there were understood as necessarily having profound consequences on the status of those in Russia and Eastern Europe. The anti-Zionists believed that a British commitment to religious and racial equality in Palestine would encourage the spread of that liberal principle to those regions where Jews still encountered legal disabilities and discrimination. Those on the Zionist side of the argument, however, saw the creation of a Jewish state, to which those experiencing

in An empire of many cultures
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Some comparisons, some reflections
Diane Robinson-Dunn

Lucien Wolf and the CFC, championed the principle of individual equality before the law regardless of race or religion as the key to Jewish emancipation both at home and abroad, for if Jews received any advantages or preferences in a British-controlled Palestine, they argued, even in terms of deciding who would emigrate to that country, those policies then would be used by antisemites to justify discrimination against Jews elsewhere, whether in England, Eastern Europe or Russia. Those in England on the Zionist side of the

in An empire of many cultures
Diane Robinson-Dunn

Russia and Romania must work out their salvation in their own way, and leave the Zionists in Palestine to do the same. But, one cannot divide Jewish responsibility in this easy way. If Russian oppression of the Jews is wrong, Jewish oppression of non-Jews, or even discrimination between Jews and non-Jews in Palestine cannot be right. We must either denounce both or accept both. 145 Similarly, the CFC expressed concerns that the Zionists intended to “expropriate the Arab population” of

in An empire of many cultures
‘Abdu’l-Bahá and the cultivation of British–Bahá’í networks in England and the Middle East
Diane Robinson-Dunn

did so “under the protection of the Khedive and Great Britain.” 152 Not surprisingly, the tradition of protection that the British provided to Bahá’ís in Egypt under the Veiled Protectorate would continue during the British Protectorate as well. As the number of Iranian Bahá’ís moving to Port Said increased towards the end of the First World War, so too did cases of discrimination and even violence against them, and when the Egyptian authorities ignored a popular sheikh who targeted them by arousing “fanaticism,” the

in An empire of many cultures
Abstract only
Jean P. Smith

of British anti-racism’: the idea that there is no native racism in Britain, it exists elsewhere and comes from elsewhere. 1 This perception is reinforced by a flattering comparison between the United Kingdom and the United States as well as Rhodesia and apartheid South Africa with their explicit systems of legal segregation and discrimination. It draws on long-running tropes positioning British liberalism against Afrikaner racism, dating back to the abolition of slavery in the Cape in the early nineteenth century. This contrast

in Settlers at the end of empire
Florence Mok

This chapter explores the changing immigration discourse and policy in Hong Kong in the 1970s. It explains how public opinion and other factors, such as international publicity and Sino-British relations, affected Hong Kong’s immigration policy. Throughout the 1970s, the scale of illegal immigration from China strained the colony’s limited housing stock and its under-developed welfare and education system. The shifting international and popular discourse regrading immigration influenced how the colonial government managed this ‘problem of people’ through implementing a new immigration policy. The colonial government departed from its ‘local integration’ approach adopted in the 1950s and introduced the ‘Touch Base’ policy in 1974, repatriating all illegal immigrants who failed to reach Hong Kong’s urban areas. Hong Kong Chinese of all social classes and age groups were engaged in an issue that affected their daily lives. This exclusionist immigration policy facilitated increased discrimination towards and stereotypes of mainland Chinese. The shifting popular sentiment, along with the constraints in land and resources, imposed tremendous pressure on the colonial government, driving it to affirm the necessity of new immigration controls to London in 1980. The problem was that the Foreign Office prioritised its relationship with China. Policy changes had long-term effects. They reinforced the emerging ‘Hong Kong political identity’, influencing the colony’s political culture in the 1980s and 1990s. They also laid the foundation for the emergence of a political definition of ‘Hong Kong permanent resident’ in the Sino-British Joint Declaration in 1984 and the Basic Law in 1990.

in Covert colonialism
The Royal Historical Society and Race, Ethnicity & Equality in UK History: A Report and Resource for Change
Shahmima Akhtar

‘White British’, while the UK’s ‘Black and Minority Ethnic’ (BME) population doubled in size from 1991 to 8 million people (14 per cent) in 2011. 2 Legally, the Equality Act 2010 brought together all previous anti-discrimination laws on equal pay, sex discrimination and the Race Relations Act. It became the basic framework against direct and indirect discrimination and rested on

in British culture after empire
Planning for post-war migration
Jean P. Smith

from the United Kingdom to southern Africa in the immediate post-war years. Rather than leaving the grey, cold and austere United Kingdom for sunny southern Africa, migrants from the Caribbean made the reverse journey from sunshine to rain and fog. Black British service personnel, including famously the cricketer Learie Constantine, had faced racism and discrimination in wartime Britain and not only from white American GIs. 5 By contrast, while some British service personnel who spent time in South Africa mentioned

in Settlers at the end of empire
African Caribbean women, belonging and the creation of Black British beauty spaces in Britain (c. 1948– 1990)
Mobeen Hussain

women represented 40 per cent of the total number of immigrants to Britain, and by the mid-1970s, approximately 40 per cent of the total Black population was born in Britain. 12 Many African Caribbean people faced structural discrimination in housing and employment, and, against the backdrop of increasingly racist rhetoric across the political spectrum (a context addressed

in British culture after empire
Appropriation, dehumanisation and the rule of colonial difference
Samraghni Bonnerjee

Drawing from this argument, I advance the idea that MacGregor's casteist reflection continues this trajectory of defining and fixing Indian-ness through caste discrimination. By performing caste discrimination in Mesopotamia, a ‘neutral’ ground, where he comes into ‘contact’ with Indians at the Indian R.A. depot, MacGregor demonstrates how well he has learnt the lessons on knowing the customs and practices of the colonised. For the colonial administrator, MacGregor is the ideal student, enacting both colonial difference and colonial knowledge, even when least expected

in Exiting war