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João Labareda

I. Introduction This chapter addresses the question, is distributive justice in the EU a feasible project? I apply the feasibility framework developed in the previous chapter to the reforms proposed in Chapters 2 and 3. I argue that, when the long run is taken as the relevant time frame, distributive justice in the EU is feasible. At the same time, I claim that this conclusion is subject to a number of conditions. First, I argue that, to be feasible, the scheme has to be consistent with a plurality of welfare regimes in the Union. This can be achieved by

in Towards a just Europe
A theory of distributive justice for the European Union
Author: João Labareda

This highly original book constitutes one of the first attempts to examine the problem of distributive justice in the EU in a systematic manner. The author starts by arguing that the set of shared political institutions at EU level, including the European Parliament and the Court of Justice of the EU, generate democratic duties of redistribution amongst EU citizens. Furthermore, he claims that the economic structure of the EU, comprising a common market, a common currency, and a free-movement area, triggers duties of reciprocity amongst member states. He contends that the responsibilities to fulfil these duties should be shared by three levels of government – local, national, and supranational. More specifically, he argues that the EU should act as a safety net to the national welfare systems, applying the principle of subsidiarity. In turn, the common market and the Eurozone should balance efficiency targets with distributive concerns. Concrete policy proposals presented in this book include a threshold of basic goods for all EU citizens, an EU Labour Code, a minimum EU corporate tax rate, and an EU Fund for Global Competitiveness. These proposals are thoroughly examined from the standpoint of feasibility. The author argues that his proposals fit in the political culture of the member states, are economically feasible, can be translated into functioning institutions and policies, and are consistent with the limited degree of social solidarity in Europe. This book is a major contribution to the understanding of how a just Europe would look and what it takes to get us there.

Matthew Hunt, Sharon O’Brien, Patrick Cadwell, and Dónal P. O’Mathúna

). The scarcity and urgency that characterise humanitarian settings lead to a second ethical issue related to distributive justice: allocating limited resources. Priority Setting for Translation Initiatives amid Other Pressing Humanitarian Goals How translation ought to be prioritised relative to other humanitarian activities is a challenging question. Answers will vary depending on the stage or scale of the

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Tony Fitzpatrick

TZP5 4/25/2005 4:52 PM Page 95 5 Productivism and beyond In Part I, we began by outlining the main principles of the NSD, using New Labour as our exemplar. I outlined the major criticisms and argued that the main problem with the NSD is that, although it should not be equated with conservatism, it fails to establish a distinct and convincing alternative to the conservative hegemony. Chapter 2 began to substantiate this position, defining the NSD as support for weak equality and strong reciprocity, in contrast to an alternative theory of distributive justice

in After the new social democracy
Tony Fitzpatrick

to be the cure. So, over the last couple of chapters I have stressed the importance of care work and sustainability, on the basis that these continue to be underemphasised by social democrats, old as well as new. In addition to distributive justice, these are the philosophical foundations of an ecowelfare politics, of a post-productivist social democracy. We have already addressed the main features of distributive justice in Chapter 2 and so our task here, in the following two sections, is to give an account of care and sustainability. I will then provide a simple

in After the new social democracy
Abstract only
The problem of distributive justice in the EU
João Labareda

policy choices? Is there any minimum level of assistance that should be regarded as necessary for EU citizens? What policy instruments would fairly distribute the benefits and burdens of European integration? Under what conditions would these be feasible? In short, what duties of justice are linked to EU membership, and how can they be realized? This book will advance an account of distributive justice for the EU that aims to be both plausible and feasible . In this introductory chapter, I set the grounds for achieving these goals. The chapter is structured as

in Towards a just Europe
Abstract only
Dean Blackburn

the improvement of living standards among the poorest sections of the community. In the post-crash environment, however, this argument has worn increasingly thin, and the contradictions of neo-liberalism’s distributive logic have been more visible. To describe neo-liberal conceptions of distributive justice as ‘meritocratic’ is rather problematic. Their advocates, echoing Margaret Thatcher, tend to employ the concept of merit to prop up claims about the virtues of outcomes that are determined by the operation of the market, and, as we have seen, the market is not

in Penguin Books and political change
João Labareda

I. Introduction This chapter addresses two questions. How can we assess the feasibility status of a theory of distributive justice? What should a feasibility test for the proposals presented in the previous chapters look like? I claim that feasibility debates by political theorists should focus on practical restrictions that human agency cannot reasonably be expected to overcome, leaving aside feasibility barriers which are presumably temporary. I argue that a pervasively feasible theory of justice has at least four key features. It must (i) fit, to a

in Towards a just Europe
Open Access (free)
Tony Fitzpatrick

demonstrated that men are innate hunter–gatherers and women are innate carers, one of the casualties of the new genetics will be the egalitarianism of the Left. In addition: ‘. . . when we know the complete genetic story, it will become evident that the population below the poverty line in the US has a configuration of the relevant genetic makeup significantly different from the configuration of the population above the poverty line’ (Murray, 2000: 30). If humans are genetically different and unequal, then the case for social equality and distributive justice is fatally

in After the new social democracy
Open Access (free)
Tony Fitzpatrick

number of hoops in order to qualify for state benefits, establishing continuity with the previous Conservative administrations, often justifying this as a means of empowerment (‘by forcing people into employment they will benefit in the long run’). However, it has imposed few responsibilities upon affluent households or powerful corporations and individuals. Equality cannot be redefined as inclusion without betraying the essential aims of distributive justice (Levitas, 1998: Chs 7–8). Exclusion may imply more than the lack of an income, but possessing a decent income

in After the new social democracy