MUP FINAL PROOF – <STAGE>, 10/29/2013, SPi
Moral policemen of the domesticeconomy
Guinness good. Sherry good. No wine. No coal. No petrol. No gas. No electric.
John Betjeman, 27 March 1943
From ‘voluntary measures of economy’ to full rationing
The shortages John Betjeman grumpily recorded to friends in England highlight the
gaps in the Irish supply system. While Betjeman’s government bore much responsibility for the shortages, the role of the Department of Supplies also demands scrutiny. It is surprising that firmer steps were not taken by
This book explores the issue of a collective representation of Ireland after the sudden death of the 'Celtic Tiger' and introduces the aesthetic idea that runs throughout. The focus is on the idea articulated by W. B. Yeats in his famous poem 'The Second Coming'. The book also explores the symbolic order and imaginative structure, the meanings and values associated with house and home, the haunted houses of Ireland's 'ghost estates' and the fiscal and moral foundations of the collective household. It examines the sophisticated financial instruments derived from mortgage-backed securities that were a lynchpin of global financialization and the epicentre of the crash, the question of the fiscal and moral foundations of the collective household of Europe. A story about fundamental values and principles of fairness and justice is discussed, in particular, the contemporary conflict that reiterates the ancient Irish mythic story of the Tain. The book suggests correspondences between Plato's Republic and the Irish republic in the deformations and devolution of democracy into tyranny. It traces a red thread from the predicament of the ancient Athenians to contemporary Ireland in terms of the need to govern pleonexia, appetites without limits. The political and economic policies and practices of Irish development, the designation of Ireland's 'tax free zones', are also discussed. Finally, the ideal type of person who has been emerging under the auspices of the neoliberal revolution is imagined.
which are also the names of ancestral households. Dún, a stone ringfort,
derives from the verb dún, ‘to close’. The noun ‘wall’ is ‘balla’, and the verb
‘ballaigh’ means ‘to gather’. Both these roots underpin ‘baile’, ‘home’, and ‘at
home’ – abhaile. Teach, ‘house’, is derived from ‘teacht’ – to come, as in to
come together, to combine; and cónaoí from cónaigh – to dwell, to reside – is
có naí, ‘with baby’. Naodh is a suckling baby, which in turn is closely related to
naomh, meaning ‘sacred’ or ‘holy’. Teach conaithe, a
that should have shored up the left’s approach to a public sector-led
The structural flaw in Ireland’s market economy
While commentary champions Ireland as an exporting economy, the
fact is that the domesticeconomy is not engaged in exporting. Rather,
Ireland has created a platform from which multi-nationals can export,
with the domesticeconomy acting as a service economy. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) has labelled the exporting multi-national
sector as ‘an enclave’.15 The government’s last industrial paper, Ahead
of the Curve,16 put it more
readjustment. Although new crises soon beset the country, in the form of the Second World War and then the Cold War, the Court made no attempt to influence policy in respect of them. Even when measures aimed at containing enemy influence raised major issues of constitutional rights, the Court fell into line with the lead given by the President and Congress.
The liberal consensus in post-war America called for government intervention in the domesticeconomy and passionate anti-communism both at home and abroad. The Court under Chief Justices Stone (1941–46) and Vinson (1946
took decisions to boost the sector even further. At NATO's request Labour agreed to increase defence spending by 3 per cent in real terms in 1977. In his history of postwar British defence policy Michael Dockrill noted that the détente between the Cold War powers had begun to falter by this point and that Britain's armed forces were ‘in urgent need of modernisation’ which, coupled with Soviet hostility to Western interests’, justified further expenditure.
Again the domesticeconomy was a welcome recipient. The
In the first book detailing the social and economic history of Ireland during the Second World War, Dr Bryce Evans reveals the hidden story of the Irish Emergency. If the diplomatic history of Irish neutrality is familiar, the realities of everyday life are much less so. This work provides a clear summary of Ireland’s economic survival at the time as well as an indispensable overview of every published work on Ireland during the Second World War. While useful as a textbook introducing writing about the period, the book contributes a new and enlightening take on popular material and spiritual existence as global conflict impacted the country. It compares economic and social conditions in Ireland to those of the other European neutral states: Spain, Sweden, Switzerland and Portugal. It explores how the government coped with the crisis and how ordinary Irish people reacted to emergency state control of the marketplace. With their government wounded by British economic warfare, the Irish people engaged in the black market, cross-border smuggling, and popular resistance. Exploring how notions of morality intersected with state-regulated production, consumption and distribution, this study reveals a colourful history detailing exploitation, deprivation, deviance and intolerance amidst the state’s shaky survival. Drawing on a wealth of archival material, this book provides a slice of real life during a pivotal episode in Irish and world history. It will be essential reading to the informed general reader, students, and academics alike.
The well-being of Europe’s citizens depends less on individual consumption and more on their social consumption of essential goods and services – from water and retail banking to schools and care homes – in what we call the foundational economy. Individual consumption depends on market income, while foundational consumption depends on social infrastructure and delivery systems of networks and branches, which are neither created nor renewed automatically, even as incomes increase. This historically created foundational economy has been wrecked in the last generation by privatisation, outsourcing, franchising and the widespread penetration of opportunistic and predatory business models. The distinctive, primary role of public policy should therefore be to secure the supply of basic services for all citizens (not a quantum of economic growth and jobs). Reconstructing the foundational has to start with a vision of citizenship that identifies foundational entitlements as the conditions for dignified human development, and likewise has to depend on treating the business enterprises central to the foundational economy as juridical persons with claims to entitlements but also with responsibilities and duties. If the aim is citizen well-being and flourishing for the many not the few, then European politics at regional, national and EU level needs to be refocused on foundational consumption and securing universal minimum access and quality. If/when government is unresponsive, the impetus for change has to come from engaging citizens locally and regionally in actions which break with the top down politics of ‘vote for us and we will do this for you’.
This book explains the direct link between the structure of the corporation and its limitless capacity for ecological destruction. It argues that we need to find the most effective means of ending the corporation’s death grip over us. The corporation is a problem, not merely because it devours natural resources, pollutes and accelerates the carbon economy. As this book argues, the constitutional structure of the corporation eradicates the possibility that we can put the protection of the planet before profit. A fight to get rid of the corporations that have brought us to this point may seem an impossible task at the moment, but it is necessary for our survival. It is hardly radical to suggest that if something is killing us, we should over-power it and make it stop. We need to kill the corporation before it kills us.
Given the significant similarities and differences between the welfare states of Northern Europe and their reactions to the perceived 'refugee crisis' of 2015, the book focuses primarily on the three main cases of Denmark, Sweden and Germany. Placed in a wider Northern European context – and illustrated by those chapters that also discuss refugee experiences in Norway and the UK – the Danish, Swedish and German cases are the largest case studies of this edited volume. Thus, the book contributes to debates on the governance of non-citizens and the meaning of displacement, mobility and seeking asylum by providing interdisciplinary analyses of a largely overlooked region of the world, with two specific aims. First, we scrutinize the construction of the 2015 crisis as a response to the large influx of refugees, paying particular attention to the disciplinary discourses and bureaucratic structures that are associated with it. Second, we investigate refugees’ encounters with these bureaucratic structures and consider how these encounters shape hopes for building a new life after displacement. This allows us to show that the mobility of specific segments of the world’s population continues to be seen as a threat and a risk that has to be governed and controlled. Focusing on the Northern European context, our volume interrogates emerging policies and discourses as well as the lived experiences of bureaucratization from the perspective of individuals who find themselves the very objects of bureaucracies.