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Examining the ways in which the BBC constructed and disseminated British national identity during the second quarter of the twentieth century, this book focuses in a comprehensive way on how the BBC, through its radio programmes, tried to represent what it meant to be British. It offers a revision of histories of regional broadcasting in Britain that interpret it as a form of cultural imperialism. The regional organisation of the BBC, and the news and creative programming designed specifically for regional listeners, reinforced the cultural and historical distinctiveness of Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. The BBC anticipated, and perhaps encouraged, the development of the hybrid ‘dual identities’ characteristic of contemporary Britain.

Confronting military service overseas
Wendy Ugolini

alongside a more positive recognition of the potential of ethnic recruits. This accommodation of difference within a ~194~ Confronting military service overseas military setting encouraged the formulation of a distinctive dual identity that rested on identification with both Britain and Italy, a dimension to military service which has been completely overlooked in the existing historiography. Fundamentally, these veteran narratives make an important contribution to debates on the relationships between ethnicity and Britishness by highlighting the ‘fluidity of hybrid

in Experiencing war as the ‘enemy other’
Franju’s cinema in the age of the court métrage
Kate Ince

and original subject matter, if not directorial talent, was in scarce supply. 1 In a revision of this interpretation, I shall outline how the 1950s were a decade in which cinema’s dual identity as art and industry was particularly hotly debated. Rather than stagnant years, they were years of considerable strife and disagreement about what role cinema should have in French national life, about how film-making should be

in Georges Franju
Culture and community in the Basque Country, Catalonia and Galicia
Duncan Wheeler

During the Second Republic, federal statutes were introduced for Catalonia and the Basque Country, with another in Galicia in the process of being approved. The equation of dual identities with the purported disintegration of Spain constituted one, if the not the, chief justification for the military coup of July 1936. Adopting far more caution than had been exercised during the Second Republic, a concession to this democratic precedent and the interests of some of the most potentially conflictual regions of Spain was made in acknowledging Catalonia, the Basque Country and Galicia as historical nationalities whose passage from regions to autonomous communities would be fast-tracked. This chapter explores the role that culture has performed in both fostering and mitigating regional and State nationalisms, as well as contextualising how and why the economically poor Galicia has traditionally been less contentious than the more economically prosperous Catalonia and the Basque Country.

in Following Franco
Marjory Harper

, a Church of England society formed in 1917, reinforces the argument that emigrants who returned often remained strongly committed to overseas causes and could be active lobbyists for the countries in which they had sojourned. For over forty years the FML promoted imperial unity by sending British teachers, nurses, doctors and church workers – many of them women – to western Canada. As they moved back and forth between Britain and Canada, many of them developed a dual identity and an ambivalent attitude towards the meaning

in Emigrant homecomings
Abstract only
Republican social democracy and Scottish nationalism
Ben Jackson

express the classic case for Scottish devolution espoused by Mackintosh and indeed Donald Dewar himself. Scots, Mackintosh famously argued, have a dual identity, partly Scottish and partly British, and the political institutions that govern Britain should therefore reflect that dual identity by creating a devolved Scottish Parliament to operate within the context of the United Kingdom. But we should note that Mackintosh’s notion of dual identity was more complex than this bald summary suggests. Mackintosh’s point was also that at different times one side of the Scots

in Making social democrats
Racial issues in the Irish context
Sandrine Uwase Ndahiro

the debate. Being Rwandan-Irish places me in a uniquely liminal position in Irish society. Living in this liminal space I constantly feel like am battling two versions of myself. Through the white gaze, I am made to feel like I cannot unapologetically exist with a dual identity. Instead, there is pressure to choose one over the other, all in the hopes of proving that I am Irish

in Ireland, slavery and the Caribbean
Abstract only
Thomas Hajkowski

of the diversity of the peoples of the British Isles. It particularly helped to reinforce the dual identities so characteristic of Britons during the twentieth century. In providing national radio networks to British listeners the BBC enabled any Briton to partake in British life; but by providing the regional networks the BBC also made room for expression of Scottishness, Welshness, or Ulsterness. Furthermore, the connection of regional broadcasting to the larger BBC structure prevented regional broadcasting from sinking into a kind of insular provincialism. A

in The BBC and national identity in Britain, 1922–53
Alistair Cole

collective. Though it can be taken logically to imply either similarity or difference (Le Coadic, 1998), identity has been understood here as common purpose, something that persists through time. It consists of a combination of myths, symbols, rituals and ideology. The opinion survey measured identity by adapting the ‘Moreno scale’, an innovative comparative method for capturing dual identities, and applying it to Wales and Brittany. The Moreno scale asks respondents to situate themselves along a five-point continuum (‘Welsh, not British’, ‘more Welsh than British’, ‘As

in Beyond devolution and decentralisation
Social and cultural modernity beyond the nation-state

German philosopher Jürgen Habermas has written extensively on the European Union. This is the only in-depth account of his project. Published now in a second edition to coincide with the celebration of his ninetieth birthday, a new preface considers Habermas’s writings on the eurozone and refugee crises, populism and Brexit, and the presidency of Emmanuel Macron.

Placing an emphasis on the conception of the EU that informs Habermas’s political prescriptions, the book is divided into two main parts. The first considers the unfolding of 'social modernity' at the level of the EU. Among the subjects covered are Habermas's concept of juridification, the latter's affinities with integration theories such as neofunctionalism, and the application of Habermas's democratic theory to the EU. The second part addresses 'cultural modernity' in Europe – 'Europessimism' is argued to be a subset of the broader cultural pessimism that assailed the project of modernity in the late twentieth century, and with renewed intensity in the years since 9/11.

Interdisciplinary in approach, this book engages with European/EU studies, critical theory, political theory, international relations, intellectual history, comparative literature, and philosophy. Concise and clearly written, it will be of interest to students, scholars and professionals with an interest in these disciplines, as well as to a broader readership concerned with the future of Europe