The drama of dying in the early twentyfirst century
Death and dying are hot topics in the earlytwenty-firstcentury, though
they have not lost their power to chill. As discussed in Chapter 3, the
‘death awareness movement’, which began in the mid-twentieth century,
raised consciousness and advocated for transparency about issues relating to mortality. The hospice movement, led by Cecily Saunders in
England in the 1960s, likewise advanced a patient-centred approach to
care for the terminally ill. In the latter decades of the twentieth century,
as compared to editing
other plays, and mainly to editing Shakespeare. And thirdly, editing
this play in the earlytwenty-firstcentury as set against the
past, against previous editions, such as those by Edwards, Cairncross,
Mulryne or Smith.
Considering whether to edit or not to edit (and this is not
a joke on Hamlet’s famous line) is not an idle question. In his
This book analyses and critiques Irish society in the early twenty-first century, but seeks to do so by consciously avoiding myth-making and generalisation. It invites readers to revisit and rethink twelve events that span the years 2001-2009. It shows that all of these events reveal crucial intersections of structural power and resistance in contemporary Ireland. The book shows how the events carry traces of both social structure and human agency. They were shaped by overarching political, economic, social and cultural currents; but they were also responses to proposals, protests, advocacy and demands that have been articulated by a broad spectrum of social actors. The book also explores how power works ideologically and through policy instruments to support dominant models of capital accumulation. Identities are constructed at the interface between public policy, collective commitments and individual biographies. They mobilise both power and resistance, as they move beyond the realm of the personal and become focal points for debates about rights, responsibilities, resources and even the borders of the nation itself. The book suggests that conceptions of Irish identity and citizenship are being redrawn in more positive ways. Family is the cornerstone, the natural, primary and fundamental unit group of society. Marriage is the religious, cultural, commercial, and political institution that defines and embeds its values. The book presents a 2004 High Court case taken by Katherine Zappone and Ann Louise Gilligan for legal recognition of their marriage as a same-sex couple, which had taken place a year previously in Canada.
political propaganda, conspiracy theories,
disinformation campaigns and hybrid warfare.
This case of the MV Aquarius highlights the increasingly dangerous
environment that humanitarians are now operating in in the earlytwenty-firstcentury: meaning not the Mediterranean, but the emerging information space. If
humanitarian organisations do not ready themselves for this space, they will find
themselves in a world turned upside-down, in which their principles have no meaning
This chapter outlines the contextual framework, within which German
and British trade union politics at Ford and General Motors evolved between the
late 1960s and the earlytwenty-firstcentury. The chapter starts with a brief
sketch of the post-war development of the British and German automobile
industries, followed by a synthetic overview of the development of the two
national industrial relations systems and the description of the specific trade
Late capitalism and the illegal drug trade in No Country for Old Men and The Counselor
Lydia R. Cooper
, and during what was likely the meridian of its arc as an economic empire. Both storylines also focus on a drug deal gone wrong, an ordinary man’s greed precipitating his path to damnation, overt and implicit discussions of greed, commodification of the natural world and of humans, and border crime policy. As indicated in Chapter 1 , No Country and The Counselor are not only similar in terms of plot; they are also McCarthy’s most explicit treatments of US economic policy in the late twentieth and earlytwenty-firstcenturies. Furthermore, both narratives are
metaphor for adolescence. Nevertheless,
tropes emerge in the 1980s that are developed in the fiction of the
earlytwenty-firstcentury, which seek to situate the negotiation of
lycanthropy alongside the development of a young woman’s identity.
This is, in many respects, grounded in a concept of corporeality, and of
‘hegemonic ideas about acceptable and unacceptable female
, community groups and individuals across the state. They also exceptionalise the period, framing it as an extraordinary rupture with what went before; so that by some it is regarded as signifying the overdue abandonment of outmoded allegiances while for others there is nostalgia for the ‘purer’ or more authentic values of the past.
This book analyses and critiques Irish society in the earlytwenty-firstcentury, but seeks to do so by consciously avoiding myth-making and generalisation. Its authors, through a combination of rigorous theorisation and dedicated
-Bosniaks such as Sabina Selimović and Samra Kesinović for Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS), ethno-diaspora and ummah even overlapped (Franz 2015 : 10). 17 Compared with ethnonationalisms with decades of associational culture behind them, the collective identity of late-twentieth/early-twenty-first-century transnational jihadism was more incipient as a political identification yet similarly dependent on victimhood narratives as explanatory myths. Addressing its audience through a shared religious identity as Muslim, cutting across boundaries of ethnicity and race
A distinctive politics?
By the earlytwenty-firstcentury, it was clear that, in the Western world, the age of
‘the grand narratives’ had ended. In the increasingly secular societies of the West
(with the partial exception of the USA), religious narratives have little purchase
in either philosophical or political contexts. Even less germane to contemporary
political culture is orthodox (Marxist-Leninist) communism: virtually no one now
adheres to any form of ‘vanguardism’, at least in its original, Leninist form.
The same cannot be said of liberalism and